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Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 4, Chapter 6: end of the Liberator.—1865. (search)
ds in the eye of the law untouched; and whereas, there are still thousands of slaves legally held within the United States; therefore, this Society calls upon its members for fresh and untiring diligence in finishing the work to which they originally pledged themselves, and putting the liberty of the negro beyond peril. Lib. 35.81. The debate on these propositions continued through two May 9, 10. days, that of Mr. Phillips being supported by C. L. Remond, Lib. 35.81, 82, 85, 86. Frederick Douglass, Robert Purvis, S. S. Foster, and Anna E. Dickinson, while Samuel May, Jr., Oliver Johnson, and William I. Bowditch favored continuing the Society only until the Thirteenth Amendment should have been officially ratified. The point having been made that the Society was pledged to continue until negro suffrage should be secured, because the elevation of the free people of color was one of the objects set forth in its Declaration and Constitution, Mr. Garrison rejoined that, as the autho
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
in caucus and in the house, proved as faithful to the Compromise as his predecessor. Whigs of all shades, with very rare exceptions, abstained from public demonstrations against the Compromise. In the autumn of 1850 a large meeting was held in Faneuil Hall to protect persons claimed as fugitive slaves. C. F. Adams presided; Rev. Dr. Lowell offered a prayer; R. H. Dana, Jr., read resolutions; the venerable Josiah Quincy, sent a letter, giving the authority of his name to the cause; Frederick Douglass pleaded for his race; and a committee of vigilance was appointed; but Boston Whigs were conspicuous by their absence. The Webster Whigs undertook to exclude from public life all who continued their protests against the Compromise. They were unable to reach Fowler and Scudder, whose districts were remote from Boston; but they defeated Mann's renomination in a district contiguous to the city. With the support of the Free Soilers, and of Whig friends led by George R. Russell, he was
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
Your speech is the theme of universal commendation; all admire it, and above all your work. Your devotion to your duty receives the praise of all men. Whittier wrote:— I am unused to flatter any one, least of all one whom I love and honor; but I must say in all sincerity that there is no orator or statesman living in this country or in Europe whose fame is so great as not to derive additional lustre from such a speech; it will live the full life of American history. Frederick Douglass sent thanks for the noble speech for freedom and the country. Robert Carter wrote from Cambridge: Your speech is worthy of your reputation, or of any man's reputation. I hear but one sentiment expressed about it, and that is admiration of its force and eloquence, and thankfulness that Massachusetts has a senator in Congress so ready and so able to represent her opinions and defend her rights. Mr. Everett has fallen lower than I ever dreamed possible. The change of tone in thi
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 43: return to the Senate.—the barbarism of slavery.—Popular welcomes.—Lincoln's election.—1859-1860. (search)
here ever been such tributes from the heart. As many as two hundred and fifty approving letters came to Sumner within a month, and were placed among his files, from some of which extracts are given in notes to the speech. (Works, vol. v. pp. 146-174.) Among the writers were S. P. Chase, J. R. Giddings, Carl Schurz, George W. Julian, John Jay, William Curtis Noyes, Hiram Barney, Rev. Joseph P. Thompson, Gerrit Smith, Rev. George B. Cheever, Prof. Benjamin Silliman. J. Miller McKim, Frederick Douglass, John G. Whittier, Josiah Quincy (the elder), Rev. R. S. Storrs (the elder), Rev. John Pierpont, Rev. Henry M. Dexter, Prof. William S. Tyler, John A. Andrew, Francis W. Bird, Henry L. Pierce, Amasa Walker, Lydia Maria Child, Henry I. Bowditch, Neal Dow, and Chief-Justice John Appleton. The Legislature of Massachusetts, then in session, formally approved the speech in a resolution, in promoting the passage of which two members of the House—J. Q. A. Griffin and H. L. Pierce—took the le
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Carlyle's laugh and other surprises, XXIV. a half-century of American literature (1857-1907） (search)
ure system, which spread itself rapidly over the country, and in which most of the above authors took some part and several took leading parts, these lectures having much formative power over the intellect of the nation. Conspicuous among the lecturers also were such men as Gough, Beecher, Chapin, Whipple, Holland, Curtis, and lesser men who are now collectively beginning to fade into oblivion. With these may be added the kindred force of Abolitionists, headed by Wendell Phillips and Frederick Douglass, whose remarkable powers drew to their audiences many who did not agree with them. Women like Lucretia Mott, Anna Dickinson, and Lucy Stone joined the force. These lectures were inseparably linked with literature as a kindred source of popular education; they were subject, however, to the limitation of being rather suggestive than instructive, because they always came in a detached way and so did not favor coherent thinking. The much larger influence now exerted by courses of lectur
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
clusive jurisdiction of Congress. As in his view there could be no property in man, he preferred to consider the grant of money as a ransom O. A, Brownson thought this term happily chosen. for the slave rather than as compensation to the master. The speech had one defect, which marred its unity,—a diversion from the main topic into a review of white slavery in the Barbary States, covering ground which he traversed some years before in a lecture. Works, vol. i. pp. 383-485. Frederick Douglass wrote to Sumner:— If slavery is really dead in the District of Columbia, and merely waiting for the ceremony of Dust to Dust by the President, to you more than to any other American statesman belongs the honor of this great triumph of justice, liberty, and sound policy. . . . I take nothing from the good and brave men who have co-operated with you. There is or ought to be a head to every body; and whether you will or not, the slaveholder and the slave look to you as the best embo
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
864, to Fessenden's imputation in debate that Sumner had instigated its criticisms of himself, and denied that Sumner had any complicity with them. Fessenden so far forgot himself at times as to talk audibly in the Senate while Sumner was speaking. This is stated by another senator, Mr. Conness, in an interview published in the Gold Hill (Colorado) News, and sent by him in a note to Sumner, August 22. 1865. Mr. Conness said, Mr. Fessenden was always snapping at Mr. Sumner in debate. Frederick Douglass, writing to Sumner, Sept. 9, 1869, the day after Mr. Fessenden's death, said: He [Mr. Fessenden] was never just to you, and sometimes I fear intentionally offensive; but now that his chair is vacant, and his voice silent in the Senate, you must remember with satisfaction your forbearance towards him and your freedom from bitter retort when his words and bearing seemed to invite other treatment. The unpleasant scene, lasting for some minutes, was closed by Sherman, who recalled the Sena
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
eople yet taken a practical interest in reconstruction. Sumner's chief congratulations came therefore from the distinctively antislavery men—such as Wendell Phillips, Parker Pillsbury, F. W. Bird, F. B. Sanborn, Rev. George B. Cheever, and Frederick Douglass. A letter from the writer, March 4, who little thought then of his future connection with the memory of the statesman, said:— God bless you a thousand times for your indomitable resistance to the admission of Louisiana, with her caste system! This afternoon some forty gentlemen dined at Bird's room, A Republican club, composed mostly of radical antislavery men, which dined on Saturdays in Boston. and all, nemine dissentiente, approved it, and with full praise. Frederick Douglass wrote from Rochester, April 29:— The friends of freedom all over the country have looked to you and confided in you, of all men in the United States Senate, during all this terrible war. They will look to you all the more now that peace d<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
iew the whole subject of reconstruction in a speech of four hours, divided between two successive days. Works, vol. x. pp. 119-237. The public interest in it was as great on the second as on the first day. The seats of the senators were filled; members of the House occupied the sofas or were standing in the lobbies; the galleries were densely crowded. Looking down on the scene as spectators most interested were a considerable number of the race for whom he was pleading, among them Frederick Douglass and Rev. H. H. Garnett. Before the senator was the friendly face of Mr. Pomeroy, who was filling the chair of the Vice-President. The audience listened to a discourse rather than a speech; but the solemn earnestness of the speaker and his fascinations of style, voice, and presence held them to the end. Rarely, if ever, did he make a deeper impression in the Senate or awaken a wider interest in the country. At the outset he subjected the proposed amendment to criticism, being strictl
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?—1866-1867. (search)
and offensive in that of Nebraska. Dec. 14, 19, 1866; Jan. 8, 1867. Works, vol. x. pp. 504-523. Sumner reminded him that, being a new senator, he did not know that almost his own first effort in the Senate was for the promotion of the interests of the people of that State in a donation of public lands. The debate, after going on for five days, was interrupted by the holiday season, and came on again Jan. 8, 1867. Sumner was busy in the mean time in stirring up by letters To Frederick Douglass, G. T. Downing. Gerrit Smith, F. W. Bird, and C. W. Slack. an agitation against the proposed inequality. The same field of controversy was traversed again. The binding force of fundamental conditions after the State's admission was treated at length. Howard thought he had made a good point on Sumner by offsetting the Massachusetts exclusion of ignorant voters against the Nebraska exclusion of colored persons. Cowan dismissed with levity the idea of political equality,—resorting
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