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followed by other resolutions—twenty-three in all, as adopted and reported by the committee—in which the word national occurred twenty-six times. The day after the report of the committee was made, Ellsworth of Connecticut moved to strike out the words national Government in the resolution above quoted, and to insert the words Government of the United States, which he said was the proper title. He wished also the plan to go forth as an amendment of the Articles of Confederation. See Elliott's Debates, Vol. V, p. 214. This reference is taken from The Republic of Republics, Part III, Chapter VII, p. 217. This learned, exhaustive, and admirable work, which contains a wealth of historical and political learning, will be freely used, by kind consent of the author, without the obligation of a repetition of special acknowledgment in every case. A like liberty will be taken with the late Dr. Bledsoe's masterly treatise on the right of secession, published in 1866, under the title, I
ul of a confederation. If the States be not the agents of this compact, it must be one great consolidated national government of the people of all the States. Elliott's Debates (Washington edition, 1836), Vol. III, p. 54. Again, on the next day, with reference to the same subject, he said: When I asked that question, I thotem has been derived from the dependent, derivative authority of the Legislatures of the States, whereas this is derived from the superior power of the people. Elliott's Debates (Washington edition, 1836), Vol. III, pp. 114, 115. It must be remembered that this was spoken by one of the leading members of the convention whicrnal. That nothing spoken in the House be printed, or otherwise published or communicated, without leave. Journal of the Federal Convention, May 29, 1787, 1 Elliott's Debates. We can understand, by reference to these rules, how Madison should have felt precluded from making allusion to anything that had occurred during th
erred to, in the Virginia convention of 1788, explained that We, the people, who were to establish the Constitution, were the people of thirteen sovereignties. Elliott's Debates, Vol. III, p. 114, edition of 1836. In the Federalist he repeatedly employs the term—as, for example, when he says: Do they [the fundamental princictively and severally. Benjamin Franklin advocated equality of suffrage in the Senate as a means of securing the sovereignties of the individual States. See Elliott's Debates, Vol. V, p. 266. James Wilson of Pennsylvania said sovereignty is in the people before they make a Constitution, and remains in them, and described theign States. See Writings of John Adams, Vol. VII, letter of Roger Sherman. Oliver Ellsworth of the same state spoke of the states as sovereign bodies. See Elliott's Debates, Vol. II, p. 197. These were all eminent members of the convention which formed the Constitution. There was scarcely a statesman of that period who
Morris and Wilson were both representatives. Nine states voted against it. Elliott's Debates, Vol. I, p. 239; Madison Papers, pp. 1119-1124. Six days afterwa that system, but retained them, though not acknowledged in any part of it. Elliott's Debates, Vol. III, pp. 389-391. In the other case, the special subject tional to suppose that the sovereign power shall be dragged before a court? Elliott's Debates, Vol. III, p. 503. Authorities to the same effect might be multall be perpetual. Ratification appended to Articles of Confederation. (See Elliott's Debates, Vol. I, p. 113.) The formation of a more perfect union was accat every power not granted thereby remains with them and at their will. See Elliott's Debates, Vol. I, p. 360. New York and Rhode Island were no less explicimposing one great body, but the people as composing thirteen sovereignties. Elliott's Debates, Vol. III, p. 114. Lee of Westmoreland (Light-horse Harry) in the s
licable to such bodies but that of an armed force. If we should attempt to execute the laws of the Union by sending an armed force against a delinquent State, it would involve the good and bad, the innocent and guilty, in the same calamity. Elliott's Debates, Vol. II, p. 199. Hamilton, in the convention of New York, said: To coerce the States is one of the maddest projects that was ever devised. . . . What picture does this idea present to our view? A complying State at war with a noy expedient that is to preserve liberty? Will it not destroy it? If an army be once introduced to force us, if once marched into Virginia, figure to yourselves what the dreadful consequence will be: the most lamentable civil war must ensue. Elliott's Debates, Vol. III, p. 117. We have seen already how vehemently the idea of even judicial coercion was repudiated by Hamilton, Marshall, and others. The suggestion of military coercion was uniformly treated, as in the above extracts, with
ositive assertion of that retention of her sovereignty and power over all her affairs as the condition on which she ratified the Constitution itself. I read from Elliott's Debates (page 327). Among her resolutions of ratification is the following: That the powers of government may be reassumed by the people whensoever it shall llectively; and, therefore, that such a Government was necessary as could directly operate on individuals, and would punish those only whose guilt required it. Elliott's Debates, Vol. V, p. 133. Mr. Madison, who has been called sometimes the father of the Constitution, upon the same question, said: A union of the States ates be all left at liberty on this subject, South Carolina may, perhaps, by degrees, do of herself what is wished, as Virginia and Maryland already have done. Elliott's Debates, Vol. V, p. 457. Mr. Sherman was for leaving the clause as it stands. He disapproved of the slave-trade; yet, as the States were now possessed of