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The Exploration of Ohio.—Pelham's administration continued. 1749-1750. The world had never witnessed colonies with in- chap. III.} 1749. July. stitutions so free as those of America; but this result did not spring from the intention of England. On the twelfth of July, 1749, all the ministers of state assembled at the Board of Trade, and deliberated, from seven in the evening till one the next morning, Letter from the Solicitor, F. J. Paris, in James Alexander to C. Golden, 25 Sept soon as America can take care of itself, it will do what Carthage did. For a season, America must have patience; England's colonial policy was destroying itself. The same motive which prevailed to restrain colonial commerce and pursuits urged England to encroach on the possessions of France, that the future inhabitants of still larger regions might fall under English rule and become subservient to English industry. In the mercantile system lay the seeds of a war with France for territory, a
lomatie Francaise. the direction and conduct of American affairs was left entirely to the Duke of Cumberland, then the captaingeneral of the British army. The French ministry desired to put trust in the chap. VII.} 1754. solemn assurances of England. Giving discretionary power in case of a rupture, they instructed Duquesne to act only on the defensive; Le Garde des Sceaux to Duqaesne, 1754. New York Paris Doc., x., 44. to shun effusion of blood, and to employ Indian war-parties only wh looked to the same authority, not for taxation, but for the abolition of the proprietary rule. Answer to Brief State of Pennsylvania. The contest along the American frontier was raging fiercely, when, in January, 1755, France proposed to England to leave the Ohio valley in the condition in which it was at the epoch before the last war, and at the same time inquired the motive of the armament which was making in Ireland. Braddock, with two regiments, was already on the way to America, w
ered before Pitt, in dread lest he should frown. Bedford was the single man who dared to deliver an opinion contrary to his, though agreeable to every other person's sentiments. Rigby in Wiffen, II. 472. See also Bedford Corr. I, said Newcastle, envy him that spirit more than his great fortune and abilities. But the union between France and Spain was already so far consummated, that, in connection with the French memorial, Bussy had on the fifteenth of July presented a note, requiring England to afford no succour to the king of Prussia, and a private paper, demanding, on behalf of Spain, indemnity for seizures, the right to fish at Newfoundland, and the demolition of the English settlements in the Bay of Honduras. These differences, if not adjusted, gave room, it was said, to fear a fresh war in Europe and America. This note and this memorial, containing the men- chap. XVII.} 1761. July. ace of a Spanish war, gave Pitt the ascendency. To the private intercession of the king
sentiments are just. Not from the intellect, Out of the heart, Rises the bright ideal of that dream. Longfellow's Spanish Student. The old members of the Superior Court, after hearing the arguments of Thacher and Otis, the friends to liberty, inclined to their side. But I, said the ambitious Hutchinson, who never grew weary of recalling to the British ministry this claim to favor, I prevailed with my brethren to continue the cause till the next term, and in the mean time wrote to England. The answer came; and the subservient court, obeying authority, and disregarding law, granted writs of assistance, whenever the officers chap. XVIII.} 1761. of the revenue applied for them. Bernard to Shelburne, 22 Dec., 1766. But Otis was borne onward by a spirit which mastered him, and increased in vigor as the storm rose. Gifted with a delicately sensitive and most sympathetic nature, his soul was agitated in the popular tempest as certainly as the gold leaf in the electromete
y the hope of some ulterior acquisitions in Italy. The experienced diplomatist promptly hinted to his employers that offers from Prussia, that is, the offer of the restoration of Silesia, would be more effective. A clandestine proposition from England to Austria was itself a treachery to Frederic and a violation of treaties; it became doubly so, when the consequence of success in the negotiation would certainly have been the employment of England's influence to compel Frederic to the cession nst our domestic foes.. The relations of Ireland and of America to the British king and the British parliament were held to be the same. By Poyning's Act, as it was called, no bill could be accepted in Ireland, until it had been transmitted to England, and returned with the assent of the Privy Council. The principle had already been applied by royal instructions to particular branches of American legislation. The design began to be more and more openly avowed, of chap. XIX.} 1762. demandi
wer by striking off all dependence. Lord Mansfield, also, used often to declare that he too, ever since the peace of Paris, always thought the Northern Colonies were meditating a state of independency on Great Britain. Lord Mansfield in the House of Lords, 20 Dec. 1775, in Almon. v. 167. Force, VI. 233. The colonial system, being founded on injustice, was at war with itself. The principle which confined the commerce of each colony to its own metropolis, was not only introduced by England into its domestic legislation, but was accepted as the law of nations in its treaties with other powers; so that while it wantonly restrained its colonists, it was jealously, and on its own theory rightfully excluded from the rich possessions of France and Spain. Those regions could be thrown open to British traders, only by the general abrogation of the mercantile monopoly, which would extend the benefit to universal commerce, or by British conquest, which would close them once more cha