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ished statesmen and generals on Slavery, 232 to 256; proclamations of President Lincoln, 253-5; proclamation of Gen. Fremont in Missouri, 239; Congress debating, 256. Emmett, Gen., killed at Hartsville, Mo., 447. Emory, Gen. Wm. F., abandons supplies on the Chickahominy, 159; stops the Rebels at Pleasant Grove, 541; beats them at Pleasant Hill, 543; encounters a cavalry force at Mansura, 551. Estep's battery, at Stone River, 277. European mediation offered and declined, 484. Everett, Edward, his speech at Boston, 256; at Gettysburg celebration, 457. Ewell, Gen., checks Fremont's advance at Cross-Keys, 138; moves down the left bank of the Chickahominy, 160; defeated by Hooker at Bristow station, 181; burns bridge, destroys railroad, and falls back on Manassas, 181; severely wounded, 182; his division present at second Bull Run, 189; commands a division at Harper's Ferry, 200; is engaged at Antietam, 206; takes Winchester, 371; at Gettysburg, 380 to 387; at Manassas G
ur exports are not wanted we can live within ourselves, and it shall be prohibited to send them abroad. Let them try that, and if England breaks the blockade for cotton, rice, and tobacco, make her say Please, sir, under the guns of our forts before she shall have a pound of any thing. Among all the extraordinary events of the last few months, the most surprising, the most marvellous, and the most fearful, is the palpable revelation that the people of the free States, high and low, from Everett and Cushing to the lowest Zouave, including Meagher, were fully ripe for a military despotism. They have accepted it without a moment's hesitation, given their Constitution to the winds, rushed into its embrace, and surrendered themselves without a murmur and without reserve, to the power of a man who is known to have no experience in arms or government, and who has shown himself to be a blackguard, a liar, and a coward. Such stupidity and baseness are without parallel in human history.--
act of resistance to the law is treason to the United States; the decisions of some of the most enlightened of the State judiciaries in repudiation of the dangerous dogma; the concurrent disavowal of it by the Marshalls, and Kents, and Storys, and McLeans, and Waynes, and Catrons, and Reverdy Johnsons, and Guthries, and all the really great jurists of the land; the brand of absurdity and wickedness which has been stamped upon it by Andrew Jackson, and Webster, and Clay, and Crittenden, and Everett, and Douglas, and Cass, and Holt, and Andrew Johnson, and Wickliffe, and Dickinson, and the great body of our truly eminent statesmen: these considerations and authorities present the doctrine of secession to me with one side only. But I do wish to inquire of my colleagues, if they have seriously reflected on the consequences of secession, should it come? Do you expect (as I have heard some of you declare) that the power and influence of Virginia are such that you will have peaceable
Doc. 111 1/2.-the dark day. By Edward Everett. There probably never was a military disaster, of which the importance was more unduly magnified, than that of the 21st of July in front of Manassas. After a severe and protracted encounter between the two armies, which, it is admitted, was about to terminate in a drawn battle, if not even in favor of the United States, the Confederates were largely reinforced, a panic arose on the part of the teamsters and civilians following in the train of our forces, the alarm gradually spread to the troops, a retreat commenced, and ended in a general rout. The losses of the enemy in the mean time were equal to our own; he was unable to pursue our flying regiments, and they reoccupied, unmolested, the positions from which (from political reasons, and against the judgment of the Commander-in-chief) the premature advance was made. A month has since elapsed; the army of the United States has passed through the terrible ordeal of the return of the
eace and union on the basis of the Constitution — there be appointed a committee of one member from each State, who shall report to this House, at its next session, such amendments to the Constitution of the United States as shall assuage all grievances, and bring about a reconstruction of the national unity; and that, for the preparation of such adjustment and the conference requisite for that purpose, there be appointed a commission of seven citizens of the United States, consisting of Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, Millard Fillmore, of New York, Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland, Martin Van Buren, of New York, Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, and James Guthrie, of Kentucky, who shall request from the so-called Confederate States the appointment of a similar commission, and who shall meet and confer on the subject in the city of Louisville on the first Monday of September next. And that the committee appointed from this House notify said commissioners of their
ntained, and inviting the cooperation of the people of the aforesaid States in the accomplishment of this object — it is desirable to each and all — do resolve as follows:-- Resolved, That Millard Fillmore, Franklin Pierce, Roger B. Taney, Edward Everett, Geo. M. Dallas, Thomas M. Ewing, Horace Binney, Reverdy Johnson, John J. Crittenden, George E. Pugh and Richard W. Thompson be, and they are hereby, appointed Commissioners on the part of Congress, to confer with a like number of Commissionerleston Mercury, Dec. 12. A peace from Yankeedom. We see by the proceedings of the Federal Congress, that in the Senate on the 4th of Dec. Mr. Saulsbury offered a joint resolution, that Millard Fillmore, Franklin Pierce, Roger B. Taney, Edward Everett, George M. Dallas, Thomas M. Ewing, Horace Binney, Reverdy Johnson, John J. Crittenden, Geo. E. Pugh, and Richard W. Thompson, be appointed commissioners on the part of Congress to confer with the commission appointed by the so-called Confede
William Tecumseh Sherman, Memoirs of General William T. Sherman ., volume 1, Chapter 6: Louisiana. 1859-1861. (search)
ime both these candidates were from Northern States. The Democratic party divided--one set nominating a ticket at Charleston, and the other at Baltimore. Breckenridge and Lane were the nominees of the Southern or Democratic party; and Bell and Everett, a kind of compromise, mostly in favor in Louisiana. Political excitement was at its very height, and it was constantly asserted that Mr. Lincoln's election would imperil the Union. I purposely kept aloof from politics, would take no part, and remember that on the day of the election in November I was notified that it would be advisable for me to vote for Bell and Everett, but I openly said I would not, and I did not. The election of Mr. Lincoln fell upon us all like a clap of thunder. People saw and felt that the South had threatened so long that, if she quietly submitted, the question of slavery in the Territories was at an end forever. I mingled freely with the members of the Board of Supervisors, and with the people of Rapides
William Tecumseh Sherman, Memoirs of General William T. Sherman ., volume 2, chapter 20 (search)
full of good — will and patriotism. This victory was most opportune; Mr. Lincoln himself told me afterward that even he had previously felt in doubt, for the summer was fast passing away; that General Grant seemed to be checkmated about Richmond and Petersburg, and my army seemed to have run up against an impassable barrier, when, suddenly and unexpectedly, came the news that Atlanta was ours, and fairly won. On this text many a fine speech was made, but none more eloquent than that by Edward Everett, in Boston. A presidential election then agitated the North. Mr. Lincoln represented the national cause, and General McClellan had accepted the nomination of the Democratic party, whose platform was that the war was a failure, and that it was better to allow the South to go free to establish a separate government, whose corner-stone should be slavery. Success to our arms at that instant was therefore a political necessity; and it was all-important that something startling in our inter
Rebellion Record: Introduction., Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), Contents of Thie first volume. (search)
partments,155 106.N. Y. 71st Regiment, Letters from,156 107.Washington--Oath of Allegiance,158 108.Women of New York, Address to,158 109.Gov. Hicks' Message to Maryland Legislature,159 110.Blockade of Virginia and North Carolina,161 111.Edward Everett's Speech, Boston, April 27,161 112.Fort Pickens, Reinforcement of,162 113.N. Y. S. M. 5th Regiment,163 114.Vice-President Hamlin's Speech, New York, April 24,163 115.New Orleans, Review of Confederate Troops at,164 116.N. Y. Firemen Zouahman and Prentiss' Interview,194 140. Confederate Declaration of War,195 141.Patriotic Fund Contributions,197 142.20th Regiment N. Y. S. M. (Ulster Co.),198 143.Reverdy Johnson's Speech at Frederick, Md.,199 144.Tennessee League,201 145.Edward Everett's Address at Roxbury, Mass.,205 146.Gen. Butler's Orders at Relay House,208 146 1/2.Motley's Letter on Causes of the War,209 147.Secession Military Act,219 147 1/2.A. H. Stephens' Union Speech at Milledgeville, Ga., Nov. 14, 1860,219 148
Rebellion Record: Introduction., Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), Introduction. (search)
Introduction. Address by Edward Everett. Address. delivered, by request, at the Academy of music, New York, July 4, 1861. large portions of this Address were, on account of its length, necessarily omitted in the delivery. by Edward Everett. when the Congress of the United States, on the 4th of July, 1776, issued the ever memorable Declaration which we commemorate to-day, they deemed that a decent respect for the opinions of mankind required a formal statement of the causes whichEdward Everett. when the Congress of the United States, on the 4th of July, 1776, issued the ever memorable Declaration which we commemorate to-day, they deemed that a decent respect for the opinions of mankind required a formal statement of the causes which impelled them to the all-important measure. The eighty-fifth anniversary of the great Declaration finds the loyal people of the Union engaged in a tremendous conflict, to maintain and defend the grand nationality, which was asserted by our Fathers, and to prevent their fair Creation from crumbling into dishonorable Chaos. A great People, gallantly struggling to keep a noble framework of government from falling into wretched fragments, needs no justification at the tribunal of the public opini
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