Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for Edward Everett or search for Edward Everett in all documents.

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e distance, and all manner of speculations were current, and hopes were buoyant, with regard to it. Yet more: the Cotton culture was rapidly expanding, and with it Southern trade, bringing the Northern seaports more and more under their sway. There had been an effort, in 1817, to secure the passage through Congress of a more effective Fugitive Slave Law, which was defeated, after a most spirited discussion. In 1826 (March 9th), the subject of Slavery was brought before the House by Mr. Edward Everett-then a new and very young member from Massachusetts--who incidentally expressed his hostility to all projects of violent Abolition, his readiness to shoulder a musket to put down a slave insurrection, and his conviction, with regard to Slavery, that, while it subsists, where it subsists, its duties ares presupposed and sanctioned by religion, etc., etc. But this strange outburst, instead of being gratefully hailed and welcomed, was repelled and reprobated by the South. Mr. Mitchell, o
State, or engaged in treasonable enterprises, intended to be executed therein. A legislative Report responsive to these recommendations was made in May following, just at the close of the session, which assumed to pledge the faith of the State to pass such laws as were suggested by the Governor, whenever they shall be requisite! This report was duly forwarded to the Southern Governors, but not circulated at large, nor was any such action as it proposed ever taken-or meant to be. Governor Edward Everett (Whig), of Massachusetts, sent January 6, 1836. a Message to the Legislature of his State, communicating the demands of certain Southern States that anti-Slavery inculcations in the Free States should be legally suppressed, and saying: Whatever by direct and necessary operation is calculated to excite an insurrection among the slaves, has been held, by highly respectable legal authority, an offense against the peace of this commonwealth, which may be prosecuted as a misdemean
nor exercise any dominion over the same. But Mr. Edward Everett, as Secretary of State to Mr. Fillmore, rejec Mr. Webster being dead Oct. 24th, 1852. and Mr. Everett duly installed as his successor, the latter answelso through the annexation of Texas; as to which, Mr. Everett--overdoing his part, as is natural in a Federalis to Cuba as is any portion of our Southern coast, Mr. Everett says: The President does not covet the acquislculate the scope and ultimate consequences. Yet Mr. Everett sees fit to say that There is another strong of that crisis, and preserved our neutrality. Mr. Everett proceeds: But the President has a graver objeious than that which we asked them to assume. Mr. Everett, having thus, in effect, apprised the civilized wreason why Spain should lose and we gain it. Says Mr. Everett: I will intimate a final objection to the proiplomatist on reading the concluding paragraph of Mr. Everett's dispatch, viz.: For these reasons, which th
Breckinridge and Lane by the smaller Fitzpatrick declines H. V. Johnson substituted Bell and Everett nominated by the constitutional Union party Lincoln and Hamlin by the Republicans the canvassall others. Sam Houston, of Texas, had 57 votes on the first, and 69 on the second ballot. Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, was then unanimously nominated for Vice-President. The Convention, withoy. Thus, in New York, the Fusion anti-Lincoln ticket was made up of ten supporters of Bell and Everett, seven of Breckinridge and Lane, and the residue friends of Douglas. No doubt, there was an un It is more difficult to treat calmly the conduct of the American, Conservative, Union, or Bell-Everett party of the South; or, more accurately, to reconcile its chosen attitude and professions in th exponents of its principles, the jewels of its crown. It had nominated and supported Bell and Everett on a platform which meaningly proclaimed fidelity to The Union, the Constitution, and the Enfor
tinctly affirmed it in a speech in Congress; so had Abraham Lincoln, in one of his debates with Senator Douglas. But the right of a people to modify their institutions is one thing, and the right of a small fraction or segment of a people to break up and destroy a Nation, is quite another. The former is Reform; the latter is Revolution. Hon. Reverdy Johnson, who lived in the same house with John C. Calhoun from 1845 to 1849, and enjoyed a very close intimacy with him, in a letter to Edward Everett, dated Baltimore, June 24, 1861, says: He [Calhoun] did me the honor to give me much of his confidence, and frequently his Nullification doctrine was the subject of conversation. Time and time again have I heard him, and with ever-increased surprise at his wonderful acuteness, defend it on constitutional grounds, and distinguish it, in that respect, from the doctrine of Secession. This last he never, with me, placed on any other ground than that of revolution. This, he said, was t
d. Such were the just and forcibly stated convictions of a leading journal, which soon after became, and has since remained, a noisy oracle of Secession. the time-honored organ of her Whig Conservatives, who had secured her vote for Bell and Everett, had been changed — by purchase, it was said — and was now as zealous for Secession as hitherto against it. Finally, her Convention resolved, on the 4th aforesaid, to send new Commissioners to wait on President Lincoln, and appointed Messrs. Wilnce from her Governor. It was only the call for Kentuckians to maintain the integrity of the Republic and enforce the authority of its Government that aroused his abhorrence of its wicked purpose. The Louisville Journal--chief oracle of Bell-Everett conservatism in Kentucky--then, as before and since, professedly devoted to the Union--thus responded to the President's call: The President's Proclamation has reached us. We are struck with mingled amazement and indignation. The policy ann
of the State), was chosen by the magnificent majority of 23,223 over his leading competitor, and 11,423 over the combined votes of all Combs 68,165; McClarty (Breckinridge) 44,942; Bolling (Douglas) 10,971; Hopkins (Lincoln) 829. others. If Maj. Breckinridge had been made their candidate for President by the bolters with any idea of thereby seducing the home of Henry Clay from her loyalty, that hope was ill-grounded, as the Presidential election more conclusively demonstrated — Bell and Everett carrying the State by a large plurality. Bell 66,058; Breckinridge 53,143; Douglas 25,651; Lincoln 1,364. Yet her Democratic Governor, Magoffin, Elected in 1859. though he forcibly protested See page 340. against the headlong impetuosity wherewith South Carolina persisted in dragging the South into Disunion — summoned her December 27, 1860. Legislature to meet in extra session, and, on its assembling, January 17, 1861. addressed to it a Message, urging the call of a State Con
ce and union on the basis of the Constitution — there be appointed a Committee of one member from each State, who shall report to this House, at its next session, such amendments to the Constitution of the United States as shall assuage all grievances, and bring about a reconstruction of the national unity; and that, for the preparation of such .adjustment, and the conference requisite for that purpose, there be appointed a commission of seven citizens of the United States, consisting of Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, Millard Fillmore, of New York, Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland, Martin Van Buren, of New York, Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, and James Guthrie, of Kentucky, who shall request from the so-called Confederate States the appointment of a similar commission, and who shall meet and confer on the subject in the city of Louisville, on the first Monday of September next. And that) the Committee appointed from this House notify said Commissioners of the
tah, etc., 207; his Compromise measures adopted, 208; 222; Dixon's opinion of Clay's sentiments, 230-1; 265; favors the Panama Congress, 267; instructions to Minister Everett, 268; instructions to Messrs. Anderson and Sergeant, 269; letter to Leslie Combs, etc., 343-4; he likens the Union to a marriage, 857; allusion to, 399; 404; 606. Evans, Robt. J., letter to, from John Adams, 51. Evarts, Jeremiah, on Slavery and Indians, 106. Evarts, Wm. M., of N. Y., at Chicago Con., 321. Everett, Alexander H., his instructions respecting Cuba, 268. Everett, Edward, early pro-Slavery opinions of, 109; extract from his Message as Governor of MassachusettEverett, Edward, early pro-Slavery opinions of, 109; extract from his Message as Governor of Massachusetts, 124; his diplomacy with respect to Cuba, 270 to 273; nominated for Vice-President, 319; letter to, from Reverdy Johnson, 858. Ewell, Gen., repulsed at Bull Run, 544. Exports, value of, by 8th Decennial Census, 23. F. Fairfax Court-House, Va., Union cavalry dash into, 533; reoccupied by our forces, 620. Fairfield,