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eneral Grant's political history: General Grant to General Badeau. Naples, Dec. 18, 1877. my dear General,—Your letter and enclosed chapter of history were received here on our arrival yesterday. I have read the chapter and find no comments to make. It is, no doubt, as correct as history can be written, except when you speak about me. I am glad to see you are progressing so well. Hope Vol. II. will soon be complete, and that the book will find large sale. No doubt but Governor Fish will take great pleasure in aiding you in your next book. He has all the data, so far as his own department was concerned. It was this habit to sum up the proceedings of each day before leaving his office, and to keep that information for his private perusal. To-day we ascend Mt. Vesuvius, to-morrow visit Pompeii and Herculaneum. About Saturday, the 22d, start for Palermo, thence to Malta, where we will probably spend the 25th. From there we go to Alexandria and up the Nile. That
ain, it became necessary to find a substitute. In this emergency Grant offered the place to Hamilton Fish of New York, and sent Colonel Babcock, one of his new secretaries, to that city with the proposition. The offer was entirely unexpected by Fish, and at first he was not inclined to accept it. He would, indeed, have preferred the post of Minister to England, and it required some urging befofairs, the frequent changes and disappointments, the blunder about Stewart, the uncertainty about Fish, and Cox, and Hoar, who had all been taken by surprise, and the discredit it would bring on the nme time to fit himself properly for his new career. Thus Washburne was supplanted in a week by Fish, Stewart's name was withdrawn and Boutwell's substituted, Schofield was followed before the end o, but of as much distinction, social or personal, as often meets under one roof in New York: Hamilton Fish, John Jacob Astor, Joseph Harper, Edwards Pierrepont, Charles P. Daly, Henry Hilton, all wer
imately, for his election. It was Bristow whom Grant especially opposed, and he and Blaine were united in this opposition; for Bristow's friends attacked Blaine as fiercely as they did Grant. While the Convention was in session, Mr. Blaine and Mr. Fish, Grant's Secretary of State—were seen driving together in an open carriage, in the streets of Washington, and Fish was too loyal to his chief to afford this indication of friendship to any man with whom the President under whom he served was at Fish was too loyal to his chief to afford this indication of friendship to any man with whom the President under whom he served was at enmity. I had personal knowledge of the early relations of the two great men, who were destined afterwards to be so bitterly opposed. In the first years of Grant's Presidency I was offered the position of Minister to Uruguay and Paraguay, but learning that a change was to be made at the Consulate-General in London, I asked the President for the latter appointment instead. He replied that he was pledged to nominate a friend of Mr. Blaine for the London Consulate, but added that I might consu
bsolutely; and the obligation was to the Emperor himself. So Catacazy was allowed to remain. The Grand Duke arrived, and Catacazy presented him to the President. But the Secretary of State first informed the Minister explicitly that his words and actions must be limited to the most formal ceremony. He was not to offer his hand to the President, for it would be refused; he must merely say: Mr. President, I have the honor to present, etc., etc. If he attempted any further conversation, Mr. Fish assured the Russian he would himself interrupt and expose the situation to the company. Thus warned, the envoy submitted; he did not deviate from his instructions, but performed his ignoble role to the letter. It was also signified to the suite of the Grand Duke that although rather than offend the majesty of friendly Russia, the President had tolerated the presence of Catacazy on this occasion, it would be impossible to invite the envoy to dinner. The President would be very glad to e
from the War Department, which would enable him to serve under the Department of State as Minister to Spain. In all this arrangement Grant took the liveliest interest. I have explained in earlier chapters the difference of opinion between Secretary Fish and General Rawlins in regard to the policy that Grant should pursue toward Spain. While Rawlins was for recognition of the independence of Cuba and the speedy acquisition of the Island by the United States, Fish thought the difficulties witFish thought the difficulties with England should have precedence. Nevertheless, a negotiation was begun under Sickles at Madrid that promised to accomplish the peaceful purchase of Cuba while Prim was Prime Minister of Spain. A document was forwarded by Sickles to the State Department—not as a part of the public archives, but for the confidential knowledge of the Government, in which Prim declared himself ready to treat for the sale of the Island to the Cubans, the United States to become security for the purchase bonds, an
ke everything else in his life—various in character and result, sometimes adding to his dignity and happiness and renown, sometimes unfortunate in the last degree. He was the friend of General Sherman and of Ferdinand Ward, of Dr. Newman and Hamilton Fish, of George Child and the King of Siam, of Rawlins, Belknap, Babcock, Sheridan; of a man named Hillyer, now forgotten, and of Abraham Lincoln; of Roscoe Conklin, Fitz-John Porter and John A. Logan. Many of his early friendships were not wit shared with these, but, except with Rawlins, he had no personal relations with any of them, such as he maintained with several other friends; perhaps I should except Borie from this category; and certainly Grant had a profound personal regard for Fish, but he never confided to his Secretary of State, details of intimate thought and feeling such as Rawlins and possibly Borie shared. Borie was very close to Grant personally. He played cards, and whoever of Grant's intimates did this, had a pecu
ssant in his efforts in the press and in private to secure the passage of the bill, came to General Grant's house and asked for me. He said if a determined effort were made by General Grant's friends, he thought the bill might be passed the next day; and asked me to go to see whoever I thought would have influence. I told the General of the visit. He was gratified at the interest of his friends, but would give me no advice, and I sallied out and spent the day in his service. I found Mr. Hamilton Fish, General Grant's old Secretary of State, Mr. Evarts, who had just been elected Senator, and General Horace Porter, my former comrade on General Grant's staff. All were willing and earnest; all wrote letters at once to reach members of Congress the next day, and Porter went with me to visit others who we thought might help us. But Monday came and the bill was called up and lost. General Grant felt the rebuff acutely. Though he had made no demonstration of anxiety in advance, those
d, and he intended to allow the envoy to remain, but he had directed Fish to withdraw the negotiation of the Alabama question from his hands. ed to report it promptly. This whole matter has been discussed by Mr. Fish and Mr. Bancroft Davis in papers already given to the world. I mehe was only left in England as long as he was out of deference to Gov. Fish, who is averse to changes, or to doing anything which gives inconrnished from time to time whatever material he could, in advance. Mr. Fish has been good enough to keep the promise made for him by General Ge completed and that the book will find large sale. No doubt but Gov. Fish will take great pleasure in aiding you in your next book. He haser no. Forty-four. I had seen a statement in print that either Mr. Fish or Mr. Bancroft Davis intended to compose a history of Grant's Civember. I have no knowledge of an intention on the part of either Gov. Fish or Judge Davis to write a civil history of my Civil Administratio