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Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: The Opening Battles. Volume 1., The Confederate Government at Montgomery. (search)
e of the emergency or of the purchasing ability of the Confederate States. The provisional constitution provided that Congress shall appropriate no money from the Treasury unless it be asked and estimated for by the President or some one of the heads of departments, except for the purpose of paying its own expenses and contingencies. The Congress could, therefore, do nothing about the purchase of arms without a call from the executive. But for the Treaty of Paris in 1778, made by Benjamin Franklin, Silas Dean, and Arthur Lee, with France, the independence of the thirteen original States would not have been established. It was deemed important in the Provisional Congress of the Confederate States to send commissioners abroad to negotiate for a recognition of their independence, and, in case of war with the States of the North, perhaps for assistance. The chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, Mr. Rhett, reported such a resolution, which was unanimously adopted. As the t
The Annals of the Civil War Written by Leading Participants North and South (ed. Alexander Kelly McClure), The War's Carnival of fraud. (search)
striker named Anthony Hale-Tony Hale-employed as a boss carter in the yard, was next arrested, and then one thing brought on another until, before I was through, thirty-one prisoners were in military custody. The arrests were effected by Mr. Benjamin Franklin, chief of detective police, whose services the Mayor placed at my disposal. A more untiring and faithful officer I never encountered than Mr. Franklin. Besides the man Harris, the prisoners were the Naval Constructor, first assistant enMr. Franklin. Besides the man Harris, the prisoners were the Naval Constructor, first assistant engineer, timber inspector, master plumber, caulker, joiner, blacksmith, laborer and painter, the clerk of the yard, his chief clerk and check clerk, three clerks of the storekeeper, the master caulker's clerk, a quarterman laborer, a quarterman joiner, two quartermen plumbers, four receivers of stolen property, six contractors, and one purser's steward. A pretty lot of patriots and Republicans, indeed! A few days of confinement in military prison brought on a contagion of repentance, confes
onversed on the subject, however, with my comrade, Lieutenant Collins, and we both resolved never to cease its agitation so long as the Lord gave us life, and so long as there remained a single slave on the fair soil of Columbia. Our minds were much strengthened in this resolve by recalling to memory the teachings of Washington, Adams, Monroe, and others. Abigail Adams, the mother of John Quincy Adams, said: I wish most sincerely that there was not a slave in the Province. Benjamin Franklin, whose life was my schoolbook, in an address to the Senate and House of Representatives, said: From a persuasion that equal liberty was originally the portion, and is still the birthright, of all men, and influenced by the strong ties of humanity, and the principle of their institution, your memorialists conceive themselves bound to use all justifiable endeavors to loosen the bands of slavery; that you will be pleased to countenance the restoration of liberty to these unhappy me
They seemed to belong to one another — the sermon and the storm. Among the cadets then and subsequently distinguished was Alexander D. Bache, the head of the first or graduating class, when I entered the Academy. He was a grandson of Benjamin Franklin, and, to the extraordinary genius of his grandfather, was added an elementary education in physical science. He had a power of demonstration beyond that of any man I ever heard; so much so that, by way of illustration, I have often stated nd established rules in regard to triangulation and deep-sea soundings which have given to the American coast and sea border the best charts, I think, in existence, and which will remain for Bache an enduring monument. A great-grandson of Benjamin Franklin and grandson of Alexander Dallas, Secretary of State under Mr. Jefferson's administration, he seemed to have inherited the common-sense and the power to apply science to the utilities of life of the one, and the grace and knowledge of men p
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), The necessity of Servility. (search)
that Involuntary Servitude existed in Greece and Rome; but it would be difficult and probably impossible to find in any act of their hands, or in any word of their mouths, the evidence that they sought for national greatness through the enslavement of their fellow-creatures. The whole current of testimony runs in the other direction. The feeling of the founders of the Republic made no distinction between black and white. The debates in the Congress, the known opinions of Jefferson, of Franklin, and of other leading spirits of the Revolution, and the weight of tradition, all prove this to a certainty. They did not pretend to establish institutions which should merely equal those of the past. Their honorable and humane ambition was to present to the world an ameliorating discovery in political science — that of the equality of all men. If they had been absolutely faithful, in spite of temptation, to the great idea which animated their career; if they had valiantly stood by the tr
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Pocket morality — war for Trade. (search)
Pocket morality — war for Trade. in the year, 1787, Benjamin Franklin wrote to an English gentle man as follows: I read with pleasure the account you give of the flourishing state of your commerce and manufactures, and of the plenty you have of resources to carry the nation through all its difficulties. You have one of the finest countries in the world; and if you can be cured of the folly of making war for trade, in which war more has been expended than the profits of any trade can compensate, you may make it one of the happiest. This advice, we suppose, would be quite thrown away upon a newspaper irrevocably wedded to the system here so pointedly condemned. The London Times accepts the well-known aphorism of Franklin with a qualification — it thinks there never was a good war if it was unprofitable, and never a bad peace if it added to the British wealth. Such a publication should be treated with all possible candor. If its principle be to have no principle, and if it w
Matthews, of Virginia, on Education92 Montgomery, The Muddle at181 Morse, Samuel and Sidney186 Meredith, J. W., his Private Battery141 McMahon, T. W., his Pamphlet214 Monroe, Mayor, of New Orleans234 Malcolm, Dr., on Slavery248 Maryland, The Union Party in260 Mallory, Secretary280 McClellan, General, as a Pacificator370 Mercury, The Charleston399 Netherlands, Deacon17 North, Southern Notions of the144 Olivieri, The Abbe, on Negro Education56 Pierce, Franklin29 Pollard, Mr., his Mammy 63 Palfrey, General, in Boston73 Perham, Josiah, his Invitation97 Parker, E. G., his Life of Choate108 Patents Granted in the South134 Polk, Bishop172 Parties, Extemporizing242 Platform Novelties in Boston247 Paley, Dr., on Slavery808 Pitt, William, an Abolitionist329 Rogersville, the Great Flogging in16 Roundheads and Cavaliers151 Russell, William H158, 187 Repudiation of Northern Debts162 Red Bill, a New Orleans Patria
pose of, should participate in the general suffering, and earnestly scan the political and social horizon in quest of sources and conditions of comprehensive and enduring relief, was inevitable. And thus industrial paralysis, commercial embarrassment, and political disorder, combined to overbear inveterate prejudice, sectional jealousy, and the ambition of local magnates, in creating that more perfect Union, whereof the foundations were laid and the pillars erected by Washington, Hamilton, Franklin, Madison, and their compeers, in the Convention which framed the Federal Constitution. Yet it would not be just to close this hasty and casual glance at our country, under the old federation, without noting some features which tend to relieve the darkness of the picture. The abundance and excellence of the timber, which still covered at least two-thirds of the area of the then States, enabled the common people to supply themselves with habitations, which, however rude and uncomely, were
The original draft of the Declaration of American Independence was first communicated by Mr. Jefferson separately to two of his colleagues, John Adams and Benjamin Franklin, on the committee chosen by Congress to prepare it; then to the whole committee, consisting, in addition, of Roger Sherman and Robert R. Livingston; reportedirmation, not a sentiment, was put forth therein to the world, which had not received the deliberate approbation of such cautious, conservative minds as those of Franklin, John Adams, and Roger Sherman, and of the American People, as well as their representatives in Congress, those of South Carolina and Georgia included. The pr, two years President of the Continental Congress, appointed Minister to Holland, and captured on his way thither by a British cruiser, finally Commissioner with Franklin and Jay for negotiating peace with Great Britain, on the 14th of August, 1776, wrote from Charleston, S. C., to his son, then in England, a letter explaining and
nd State pride, to such an extent that a Convention of delegates from a quorum of the States, called together rather to amend than to supersede the Articles of Confederation, was legally assembled at Philadelphia in 1787, George Washington, Benjamin Franklin, Alexander Hamilton,James Madison, Edmund Randolph, and Charles C. Pinckney, being among its most eminent members. John Adams and Thomas Jefferson were absent as Embassadors in Europe. Samuel Adams, George Clinton, and Patrick Henry stood aloof, watching the movement with jealous apprehension. Franklin, then over eighty-one years of age, declined the chair on account of his increasing infirmities; and, on his motion, George Washington was unanimously elected President. The Convention sat with closed doors; and no circumstantial nor adequate report of its deliberations was made. The only accounts of them which have reached us are those of delegates who took notes at the time, or taxed their recollection in after years, when
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