Browsing named entities in George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8. You can also browse the collection for William Franklin or search for William Franklin in all documents.

Your search returned 44 results in 16 document sections:

1 2
t before. So firm a declaration should have been followed by assuming powers of government, opening the ports to every nation, holding the king's officers as hostages and modelling a general constitution. Such was the counsel of John Adams. Franklin also knew that there was no longer a time to negotiate or entreat. In the ashes of Charlestown, along the trenches of Bunker Hill, he saw the footsteps of a revolution that could not be turned back; and to Strahan, the go between through whom hch has doomed my country to destruction. You have begun to burn our towns, and murder our people. Look upon your hands, they are stained with the blood of your relations! You and I were long friends; you are now my enemy, and I am yours. But Franklin did not attempt to overrule the opinions or defy the scruples of his colleagues, and, after earnest debates, congress adopted the proposal of Jay to petition the king once more. The second petition to the king was drafted by Dickinson, and in
ents of New England and New York; and no leave was given for permanent enlistments. Thus far Franklin, who was constant in his attendance, had left his associates to sound their own way and shape ttable retractions and indemnities, the confederation was to be perpetual. In the intention of Franklin, who well knew that the re- Chap. XLIII.} 1775. July. quired concessions never would be made, he several states, and the limited sovereignty of the central government. The proposition of Franklin was, for the time, put aside; the future confederacy was not to number fewer members than thirtDartmouth, and referred by Virginia, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, to the decision of congress, Franklin, Jefferson, John Adams, and Richard Henry Lee, were constituted a committee to report on its coritain, congress shunned energetic measures to the last. For the transmission of intelligence, Franklin was selected to organize a post office, and thus came to be known as the first postmaster gener
ondition of the central provinces. July—October, 1775. in the colonies which were not immediately involved Chap. XLV.} 1775. in the war, the officers of the crown should have shown self-possession and forbearance. Adopting this system, William Franklin, the governor of New Jersey, was ever on the alert to soothe, divide, or confuse the patriots, professed an equal regard for the rights of the people and the royal prerogatives, continued the usual sessions of the assembly, and where the autimary meetings, in the hope of quickening the energy of their representatives; but they were laid on the table. The coalition was too powerful to be overthrown in the house, but murmurs and well-founded suspicions began to prevail out of doors; Franklin saw the folly of temporizing, dispassionately expressed his opinions, and bided his time. The provinces of Delaware and Pennsylvania were under one executive head; and were so nearly united that their inhabitants interchangeably took service
oremost patriot of North Carolina, efficient in building up society on its new foundation, a financier of skill and integrity, a courageous statesman and a man of capacity for war, was detained by the people in their immediate service; and John Penn, a Virginian by birth, became his successor in the general congress. The most remarkable subject brought before the convention was Franklin's plan of a confederacy, which, on the twenty fourth of August, was introduced by William Hooper; like Franklin, a native of Boston; trained under James Otis to the profession of the law; now a resident in Wilmington, the region of politeness and hospitality, of commerce, wealth, and culture. North Carolina was always prompt to respond to the call of her sister Colonies; her convention listened with ready sympathy to the proposition, though it included a system of independence and government, and it was about to be adopted. But in the committee of the whole house, the moderating prudence of Johnsto
ress could provide no adequate remedy. On the thirtieth of September, they therefore appointed Franklin, Lynch, and Harrison, a committee to repair to the camp, and, with the New England colonies andlity to hold. On the fifteenth of October, the committee from congress arrived at the camp. Franklin, who was its soul, brought with him the conviction that the American people, though they might iewed that very great man with silent admiration. With Washington for the military chief, with Franklin for the leading adviser from congress, the conference with the New England commissioners, notwind thus to establish a perfect understanding between him and the civil power. On this occasion Franklin confirmed that affection, confidence, and veneration, which Washington bore him to the last momlowed to pass to the West Indies; but the ship in which he sailed was never again heard of. Franklin was still at the camp, when news from Chap. XLVII.} 1775. Oct. Maine confirmed his interpretat
subscribe the old qualification appointed by law, which included the promise of allegiance to George the Third; so that Franklin, though elected for Philadelphia through the Irish and the Presbyterians, would never take his seat. Dickinson had beenody, on the fourth, elected nine delegates to the continental congress. Of these one was too ill to serve; of the rest, Franklin stood alone as the unhesitating champion of independence; the majority remained to the last its unyielding opponents. I was perceived; extreme discontent led the more determined to expose through the press the trimming of the assembly; and Franklin encouraged Thomas Paine, an emigrant from England of the previous year, who was the master of a singularly lucid and attnd to send envoys to France with conditional instructions did not prevail; but on the twenty ninth of November Harrison, Franklin, Johnson, Dickinson, and Jay were appointed a secret committee for the sole purpose of corresponding with friends in Gre
f accommodation. I vote for the address, said Rig- Chap. LI.} 1775. Oct. by, because it sanctifies coercive measures. America must be conquered, and the present rebellion must be crushed, ere the dispute will be ended. The commons unhesitatingly confirmed their vote of the previous night. Among the lords, Shelburne insisted that the petition of the congress furnished the fairest foundation for an honorable and advantageous accommodation; and he bore his testimony to the sincerity of Franklin as one whom he had long and intimately known, and had ever found constant and earnest in the wish for conciliation upon the terms of ancient connection. His words, which were really a prophecy of peace and a designation of its mediators, were that night unheeded; and he was overborne by a majority of two to one. Some of the minority entered their protest, in which they said: We conceive the calling in foreign forces to decide domestic quarrels, to be a measure both disgraceful and dangero
Dec. colony; yet as they still would not open their ports, they were in no condition to solicit an alliance. But Dumas, a Swiss by birth, a resident inhabitant of Holland, the liberal editor of Vattel's work on international law, had written to Franklin, his personal friend, that all Europe wished the Americans the best success in the maintenance of their liberty: on the twelfth of December the congressional committee of secret correspondence authorised Arthur Lee, who was then in London, to as was charged with a similar commission. Just then De Bonvouloir, the discreet emissary of Vergennes, arrived in Philadelphia, and through Francis Daymon, a Frenchman, the trusty librarian of the Library Company in that city, was introduced to Franklin and the other members of the secret committee, with whom he held several conferences by night. Will France aid us? and at what price? were the questions put to him. France, answered he, is well disposed to you; if she should give you aid, as
mpel their discharge; in October, the conference at the camp, with Franklin, Harrison, and Lynch, thought it proper to exclude them from the nore than a year, but in that time he had cultivated the society of Franklin, Rittenhouse, Clymer, and Samuel Adams; his essay, when finished, was shown to Franklin, to Rittenhouse, to Samuel Adams, and to Rush; and Rush gave it the title of common sense. The design and end of gove the moment, Samuel Adams repaired for sympathy and consolation to Franklin. In a free conversation, these two great sons of Boston agreed th be obtained. If none of the rest will join, said Samuel Adams to Franklin, I will endeavor to unite the New England colonies in confederating. I approve your proposal, said Franklin, and if you succeed, I will cast in my lot among you. But even in New England the actors who obes to grant every reasonable measure of redress. It was time for Franklin to speak out, for he best Chap. LVI.} 1776. Jan. knew the folly o
is seeming success concentred upon him public confidence. Canada, said Washington, will be a fine field for the exertion of your admirable talents, but your presence will be as neces- Chap. LVIII.} 1776. Feb. sary in New York. In like manner Franklin wrote: I am glad you are come to New York; but I also wish you could be in Canada; and on the nineteenth the congress destined him to that most arduous service. John Adams, who had counselled his expedition to New York, wrote to him complacentlcroachment upon the rights of the representatives of a free people, and were unequivocally condemned and reversed by congress. Instead of hastening to his new command, Lee loitered at Philadelphia, till, on the fifteenth,Richard Henry Lee and Franklin were directed to request him to repair forthwith to his southern department. The expedition to the Carolinas never met the ap- Jan. proval of Howe, who condemned the activity of the southern governors, and would have had them avoid all dispu
1 2