Browsing named entities in George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 7, 4th edition.. You can also browse the collection for Franklin or search for Franklin in all documents.

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each. other, if there remained a hope that the danger would pass by. The Presbyterians, true to their traditions, held it right to war against tyranny; the merchants refused to sacrifice their trade; the Quakers in any event scrupled to use arms; a numerous class, like Reed, cherished the most passionate desire for a Chap. II.} 1774. May. reconciliation with the mother country. In the chaos of opinion, the cause of liberty needed wise and intrepid counsellors; but during the absence of Franklin, Pennsylvania fell under the influence of Dickinson. His claims to public respect were indisputable. He was honored for spotless morals, eloquence, and good service in the colonial legislature his writings had endeared him to America as a sincere friend of liberty. Possessed of an ample fortune, it was his pride to call himself a farmer. Residing at a country seat which overlooked Philadelphia and the Delaware river, he delighted in study and repose, and was wanting in active vigor of w
rter of Massachusetts, that acting upon information confessedly insufficient, he, with Dartmouth, made out for that province a complete list of councillors, called mandamus councillors from their appointment by the crown. Copies of letters from Franklin and from Arthur Lee had been obtained; Gage was secretly ordered to procure, if possible, the originals, as the means of arraigning their, authors for treason. Bernard and Hutchinson had reported that the military power failed to intimidate, beuntry towns in Massachusetts; and they signed the league and covenant, confident that they would have only to sit still and await the bloodless restoration of their rights. In this expectation they were confirmed by the opinions of Burke and of Franklin. From the committee room in Faneuil Hall, Samuel Adams hastened to the general assembly, whose first act at Salem was a protest against the arbitrary order for its removal. The council, in making the customary reply to the governor's speech
mate consummation of their hopes. The great design had been repeatedly promoted by the legislature of the province. The people wished neither to surrender liberty, nor to dissolve their connection with the crown of England. The possibility of framing an independent republic with one jurisdiction from the far North to the Gulf of Mexico, from the Atlantic indefinitely to the West, was a vision of which nothing in the history of man could promise the realization. Lord Kames, the friend of Franklin, though he was persuaded that the separation of the British colonies was inevitably approaching, affirmed that their political union was impossible. Prudent men long regarded the establishment of a confederacy of widely extended territories, as a doubtful experiment, except under the moderating influence of a permanent executive. That the colonies, if disconnected from England, would fall into bloody dissensions among themselves, had been the anxious fear of Otis of Massa- Chap. IX.} 17
ds as well as commoners offered themselves at market; so that if America, said Franklin, would save for three or four years the noney she spends in the fashions and fis instant determination, to which he obstinately adhered. On the other hand, Franklin, who was confident of the triumph of liberty, explicitly avowed to his nearesers of inquiry. But the king promptly overruled the suggestion. Friends of Franklin were next employed to ascertain the extent of his demands for America; and wite nothing to do with the affairs or Canada. We assisted in its conquest, said Franklin; loving liberty ourselves, we wish to have no foundation for future slavery laent of that government. The pretended amendments are real mischiefs, answered Franklin; but were it not so, charters are compacts between two parties, the king and tWe must risk life and every thing, rather than submit to this. The words of Franklin offered no relief to Lord North; but they spoke the sense of his countrymen; a
e English minister, reasoned Garnier, thinks, that after all they may set up for themselves. Franklin invited the colonial agents to unite in presenting the petition of congress, but he was joined sachusetts, but he was ready to negotiate with the Americans for the right to tax themselves. Franklin appeared as the great agent Chap. XVII.} 1774. Dec. of the continent; and it was believed thatnd upright naval officer, was to be commissioned as a pacificator. No man, said Lord Howe to Franklin at their first interview on Christmas-day evening, can do more towards reconciling our differeneople upon some means of composing all differences. Every prospect of preferment was opened to Franklin, if he would take part in such a commission. With exact truth and frankness, he pointed out, ah that exception he admired and honored the whole of the proceedings. The army at Boston, said Franklin, who saw the imminent hazard of bloodshed, cannot possibly answer any good purpose, and may be
a purpose, which they were sure to make good, Chatham was attempting to rouse the ministry from its indifference. Your presence at this day's debate, said he to Franklin, whom he met by appointment in the lobby of the house of lords, ill be of more service to America than mine; and walking with him arm in arm, he would have introhe right of the Americans to exemption from taxation, except by their implied or express assent, they derived it from God, nature, and the British constitution. Franklin with rapt admiration listened to the man, who on that day had united the highest wisdom and eloquence. His speech, said the young William Pitt, was the most forland, which had grown great by freedom, was on the side of America. Its independence was foreshadowed, and three of Chat- Chap. XVIII.} 1775. Jan. 20. ham's hearers on that day, Franklin, Shelburne, and his own son, William Pitt, never ceased in exertions, till their joint efforts established peace and international good will.
ox; by every species of falsehood and treachery. Sir George Savile asked that Franklin might be heard at the bar in support of the address of the American continentare added to make it less unpalatable to the pride of the British legislature. Franklin was persuaded that he sincerely wished to satisfy the Americans; Jefferson, onading by a vote of sixtyone to thirty-two. Hereditary legislators! thought Franklin. There would be more propriety, in having hereditary professors of mathematic Lord North again shrunk from measures against which his nature revolted; and Franklin, whose mediation was once more solicited, received a paper containing the resu We desire nothing but what is necessary to our security and well-being, said Franklin to the friendly agents who came to him. In reply they declared with authority,easy for Britain to burn all your seaport towns. My little property, rejoined Franklin, consists of houses in those towns; you may make bonfires of them whenever you
s, the great teachers of humanity, the delight and glory of mankind, ever have existed? Did not the Swiss cantons gain by resistance to Albert and Gessler? Did not the Seven United Provinces gain by resistance to Philip, Alva, and Granvelle? Did not the English gain by resistance to John when Magna Charta was obtained? by resistance to Charles the First? to James the Second? To the scheme of having a revenue in America by authority of parliament, the active, sagacious, and very able Franklin, the eminent philosopher, the distinguished patriot, in the administration of the busy, Chap. XXI.} 1775. Feb. intriguing, enterprising Shirley, sent an answer in writing, which exhausted the subject. If the parliament of Great Britain had all the natural foundations of authority, wisdom, goodness, justice, power, would not an unlimited subjection of three millions of people to that parliament at three thousand miles distance, be real slavery? But when both electors and elected are be
issions for the restoration of peace according to a measure to be proposed by Lord North. From Franklin, whose aid in the scheme was earnestly desired, the minister once more sought to learn the least amount of concession that could be accepted. No sooner was Franklin consulted, than he expressed his approbation of the proposed commission, and of Lord Howe as one of its members; and to smooth tters first, and then if you don't like them, we will consider. On the eighteenth of February, Franklin, by appointment, once more saw Lord Howe. Consent, said he, to accompany me, and co-operate wit the conflict with America, yet feebly and vainly resisting the impetuosity of his colleagues. Franklin was informed on the twentieth, that his principles and those of parliament were as yet too wideernment will give up the right of taxing, and the mother country that it will be maintained. Franklin sent advice to Massachusetts by no means to begin war without the advice of the continental con
rd Howe at London broke off negotiations with Franklin, and the ministry used the pen of Samuel Johnes to hear that which he has already seen. Franklin had remained in Great Britain for no reason b are especially entitled to the fisheries. Franklin, as he heard the insinuations of Sandwich agas; and the citation of the precedent cheered Franklin as a Chap. XXIV.} 1775. Mar. prediction. Bue. A large part of his last day in London, Franklin passed with Edmund Burke, and however much heain furnish minds like theirs? Burke revered Franklin to the last, foretold the steady brightening he morning after his conversation with Burke, Franklin posted to Portsmouth with all speed, and befo of England, with supporters of the ministry, Franklin had labored on all occasions earnestly, disinSpeaking the truth to them in sincerity, said Franklin, was my only finesse. The ability displayeer Chatham, nor Rockingham, nor Burke, blamed Franklin for renouncing allegiance; and we shall see F
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