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Eliza Frances Andrews, The war-time journal of a Georgia girl, 1864-1865, chapter 7 (search)
ufferings in the meantime. If insurrections take place, the United States government is powerful enough to prevent them from extending very far, but terrible damage might be done before they could or would send succor. Our conquerors can protect themselves, but would they protect us, rebels and outlaws ? Think of calling on the destroyers of Columbia for protection! They have disarmed our men, so that we are at their mercy. They have a miserable, crack-brained fanatic here now, named French, who has been sent out from somewhere in New England to elevate the negroes and stuff their poor woolly heads full of all sorts of impossible nonsense. Cousin Liza was telling us the other day what she had heard about him, how he lives among the negroes and eats at the same table with them, and she got so angry before she finished that she had to stop short because she said she didn't know any words bad enough to describe him. Mett told her that if she would go out and listen the next time
Eliza Frances Andrews, The war-time journal of a Georgia girl, 1864-1865, chapter 8 (search)
n their way to hear the New England apostle, Dr. French, give his lecture, I tried to keep him from ust in time to cool the air for us and catch Dr. French in the midst of his daily ceremonies with thith all this tragedy we are living through. Dr. French has begun his reforms by giving out that he wered, so he took his name for his entitles. Dr. French tole us we mus' all have surnames now, an‘ c no doubt soon make them so. Mammy says that Dr. French told them in one of his speeches that some o faithfully as if he were her own servant. Dr. French has attended some of their meetings, and if leman in every respect. While Gen. Wild and Dr. French make a business of dining two or three timeshis gang. One of the teachers had come, and Dr. French was in high feather. The general himself wa they have all but excited to insurrection. Dr. French has been cheating and imposing upon them allke Charity did Peter. Husband No. 1 went to Dr. French while he was performing the ceremony, and ob[2 more...]
tatement he has made can be fully substantiated; he would esteem it unmanly, unsoldierly, and degrading, to speak untruly of these events. The real source of Northern prosperity has been misunderstood; so, in the author's opinion, has the real character of the Yankee people. The nasal-toned, tobacco-chewing, and long-limbed gentleman of the present day inhabiting the New-England States, speaks the English language, it is true, in his own peculiar way, but Indian, Canadian, Irish, Dutch, French, and other bloods, course through his veins; and from his extraordinary peculiarities of habit and character displayed in this present war, it is extremely difficult to imagine which caste or shade predominates in him. He is a volatile, imaginative, superficial, theatrically-inclined individual, possessing uncommon self-confidence, and is very self-willed, arrogant, and boastful. His self-conceit is boundless: any one who disputes his ideas is a fool. The peculiarities of Yankee charact
ing that many of the enemy were so affected by liquor as to be scarcely able to walk. I heard one of the Zouaves, sitting by the roadside, bathing his leg in a mud-puddle, swear he had shot four men that day, and would not grant quarter at all: their cry was, Orleans and Butler the beast! They gave no quarter, and expected none. One Louisianian, while drinking at a spring, was shot at; the Yankee missed fire, and then approached to surrender. I do not understand you, said the Creole, in French, and despatched the unfortunate Dutchman with the bayonet. This sort of thing occurred several times during the day; the Louisianians were so exasperated at the thought that their homes were possessed by the enemy, that they all seemed to be blind with passion and revenge. Longstreet personally presented a fine battle-flag to this battalion a few days since, in highly complimentary terms. The South-Carolinians deserve praise, remarked some one, and I am glad that Jenkins displaye
ng worth attention was carried off. Although the enemy claim to have captured thousands of arms and dozens of cannon, I need not add that this, for the most part, was all imagination. McClellan's loss has been placed at twelve thousand killed, wounded, and missing; and I think the estimate below reality. Among his killed were Generals Mansfield, Richardson, Hartsuff, and others; and among a fearful list of generals wounded were Sumner, Hooker, Meagher, Duryea, Max Weber, Dana, Sedgwick, French, Ricketts, Rodman, and others. It is almost unnecessary for me to say that McClellan claimed this battle as a great victory for the Union cause, but did not do so until fully assured of our retreat into Virginia. Why his boastful despatch to Washington was not penned before our retreat from Sharpsburgh is evidence sufficient to show that he still feared, and would not shout until he was out of the woods. In truth, the Northern press acknowledged that with an inferior force we had thras
Hill, which Cobb had so well defended from behind the stone fence. It appeared that a heavy body of the enemy had quietly ascended up the banks of the Hazel under cover of the evening, and thought to seize that position, thus getting into the rear of Marye's Hill; but they were received so coolly, and with such a destructive fire, that they retreated with the utmost expedition and in the greatest confusion. Thus the slaughter at Fredericksburgh closed. Sumner, Hooker, Wilcox, Meagher, French, and a host of other leaders, had been routed on our centre and left — Franklin, Meade, Jackson, Bayard, and Stoneman, had met with a fearful repulse on the right; for miles their dead and wounded lined the front of our works, and were scattered up and down the valley in great profusion; but even nature seemed shocked at such frightful carnage, and mercifully threw a veil of fog and darkness over the crimsoned valley. Cold and bitter as was that bleak December night-cheerless and sad to
Heros von Borcke, Memoirs of the Confederate War for Independence, Chapter 20: (search)
rs, reported that a large body of troops of all arms had passed over to our side of the Rappahannock, and, to judge from the sounds which reached them, still more were crossing on several pontoon-bridges. In the midst of the anxious suspense in which the morning passed away a prisoner was brought in, who, misled by the fog, had ridden straight into our lines, and as he was led up to us by two of our men, he was vainly trying to make himself understood. Addressing this excited gentleman in French, I found that he was a Belgian artillery officer who, anxious to have the best opportunity possible of witnessing the operations in the field, had attached himself to the Staff of some Yankee General, temporarily adopting the Federal uniform. My new acquaintance very naturally declined to afford us any information as to the enemy's strength and their intentions; but, observing how small comparatively were our numbers, he said, with a shrug of his shoulders, Gentlemen, I can only give you on
Iii. I have tried to draw an outline of the actual man, not to make a figure of the fancy; to present an accurate likeness of General Beauregard as he appeared to us of Virginia in those first months of the war, not to drape the individual in historic robes, making him an actor or a myth. He was neither; he was simply a great soldier, and a finished gentleman. Once in his presence, you would not be apt to deny his claim to both of these characters. The nervous figure, the gaunt, French, fighting, brunette countenance, deeply bronzed by sun and wind-these were the marks of the soldier. The grave, high-bred politeness; the ready, courteous smile; the kindly and simple bearing, wholly free from affectation and assumption-these were the characteristics of the gentilhomme by birth and habit, by nature as by breeding. Ten minutes conversation with the man convinced you that you stood in the presence of one of those men who mould events. The very flash of the dark eyes dare
The Annals of the Civil War Written by Leading Participants North and South (ed. Alexander Kelly McClure), On the field of Fredericksburg. (search)
g this bank, they pressed forward up the hill for the stone wall and the crest beyond. From noon to dark Burnside continued to hurl one division after another against that volcano-like eminence, belching forth fire, and smoke, and iron hail. French's Division was the first to rush to the assault. When it emerged from cover, and burst out on the open, in full view of the enemy, it was greeted with a frightful, fiery reception from all his batteries on the circling summit. The ridge concenthey advanced up the hill; the bravest were found dead within twenty-five paces of the stone wall; it was slaughter, havoc, carnage. In fifteen minutes they were thrown back with a loss of two thousand-unprecedented severity of loss. Hancock and French, repulsed from the stone wall, would not quit the hill altogether. Their divisions, lying down on the earth, literally clung to the ground they had won. These valiant men, who could not go forward, would not go back. All the while the batteries
The Annals of the Civil War Written by Leading Participants North and South (ed. Alexander Kelly McClure), The campaign in Pennsylvania. (search)
ink the returns showed me, when I took command of the army, amounted to about one hundred and five thousand men; included in those were the eleven thousand of General French. In this latter matter the evidence is against General Meade. General Hooker, on the 27th of June, 1863, telegraphed to General Halleck, from Poolesville: Mk at nine A. M. On reaching Sandy Hook, subsequently, on the same day, General Hooker telegraphed as follows, concerning the garrison at Harper's Ferry, under General French: I find ten thousand men here in condition to take the field. Here they are of no earthly account. They cannot defend a ford of the river; and, as far as Hae the first encounter at Gettysburg, excluding all consideration of the troops at Harper's Ferry, although General Meade, on assuming command, at once ordered General French to move to Frederick with seven thousand men, to protect his communications, and thus made available a like number of men of the Army of the Potomac, who woul
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