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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 106 0 Browse Search
Mrs. John A. Logan, Reminiscences of a Soldier's Wife: An Autobiography 84 0 Browse Search
John Beatty, The Citizen-Soldier; or, Memoirs of a Volunteer 47 1 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4 46 0 Browse Search
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: The Opening Battles. Volume 1. 42 2 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 7. (ed. Frank Moore) 35 3 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 2. 13 1 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 13 1 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 10 0 Browse Search
The Photographic History of The Civil War: in ten volumes, Thousands of Scenes Photographed 1861-65, with Text by many Special Authorities, Volume 10: The Armies and the Leaders. (ed. Francis Trevelyan Miller) 10 2 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for James A. Garfield or search for James A. Garfield in all documents.

Your search returned 23 results in 7 document sections:

Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
ol. IX. p. 311); and again March 8, 1865 (Works, vol. IX. p. 340). Resolutions of a similar character were proposed by Garfield and Dawes in the House, June 13 and 22. 1864.—a precaution against hasty and exceptional action by one body without the n Julian's Political Recollections, p. 268. of Indiana, and Garfield of Ohio, At Ravenna, O., July 4. Works of J. A. Garfield, vol. i. p. 85. each addressed the people of his State in favor of admitting freedmen to the suffrage. Sherman, sDecember, 1865; Works, vol. IX. pp. 503-544. The classical explanations at the beginning drew some criticisms from James A. Garfield, then a member of Congress, which found their way into the New York Evening Post, and were sent as printed by GarfiGarfield to Sumner, Dec. 28, 1865. It was packed with bibliographical research, which was enlivened by a pleasant commentary on authors and editions—largely upon Philip Gaulthier's poem on Alexander the Great, a copy of which, once owned by John Mitford,
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
eople of Colorado as a condition of admission to strike out from the constitution the word white as a qualification of voters, was defeated, receiving only thirty-seven votes; but among them were those of well-known public men—Blaine, Boutwell, Garfield, Jenckes, Julian, Kasson, Morrill, and Stevens. The President vetoed the bill chiefly on the ground of an insufficient population in the Territory. When the question came up at the next session, Sumner's amendment prevailed; but the President 3. When the bill first passed the House, July 27, 1866, Kelley of Pennsylvania objected to the exclusion of colored men from the suffrage, and among the minority who voted against the bill were distinguished Republicans—Allison, Boutwell, Eliot, Garfield, Jenckes, Julian, Morrill, Stevens, and E. B. Washburne. Sumner likewise failed to impose his fundamental condition of equal suffrage on Tennessee, one of the reconstructed States. The House by ordering the previous question cut off Boutwel
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?1866-1867. (search)
be? Will the country be contented with such a submission? Seward thinks not. Give my best regards to my good friend, the judge, Richard Fletcher, an early friend. Ante, vol. i. p. 199. with best wishes for his health. There was an understanding among Republican senators and representatives that if the legislatures of the rebel States organized under President Johnson's scheme of reconstruction accepted the fourteenth amendment, those States would be admitted to representation. Garfield in the House, Feb. 8, 1867 (Congressional Globe, p. 1104); Norton in the Senate, Feb. 16, 1867 (Globe, p. 1463); Wade in the Senate, Dec. 14, 1866 (Globe, p. 124). Sherman said, March 11, 1867 (Globe, p. 55). A year ago I was not in favor of extending enforced negro suffrage upon the Southern States; and he gave their rejection of the fourteenth amendment as the reason why he had come to support the condition. Sumner had, as already seen, no part in this understanding; and whatever their ac
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 10 (search)
The first three did their best in debate to eliminate the obnoxious feature from the measure. Garfield read, as in conflict with it, the thirteenth amendment to the Constitution; but Banks could notf a later date than that of this chapter. His subsequent quarrels with three Presidents (Hayes, Garfield, and Arthur), his melodramatic resignation as senator, and his abortive effort to obtain a re-ed resigned his seat abruptly to obtain a popular approval of himself and a condemnation of President Garfield, the Republicans of New York felt a sense of relief, and seized the occasion to bar his enfive-twenties in paper currency. and some Republican leaders in that section, notably Hayes and Garfield, remained always steadfast in favor of an honest payment of the public debt. Garfield spoke,Garfield spoke, July 15 and 21, maintaining the national obligation to pay the five-twenties in coin, and replying to Butler of Massachusetts, and Pike of Maine, who had advocated the taxation of the national bonds.
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 56: San Domingo again.—the senator's first speech.—return of the angina pectoris.—Fish's insult in the Motley Papers.— the senator's removal from the foreign relations committee.—pretexts for the remioval.—second speech against the San Domingo scheme.—the treaty of Washington.—Sumner and Wilson against Butler for governor.—1870-1871. (search)
against the resolution was George F. Hoar. Butler had a passage-at-arms with Garfield; the latter, taking note of the former's objection to his motion for a brief es voting for the amendment were G. F. Hoar, H. L. Dawes, Eugene Hale, and James A. Garfield; and among those voting against it were B. F. Butler and N. P. Banks. Threjoiced to learn you are better. Serus in coelum redeas. Your friend, J. A. Garfield. Wendell Phillips, who was Sumner's guest, wrote to Lydia Maria Child,d no personal relations with President Haves, and was bitterly hostile to President Garfield; but there was no attempt to remove him from the chairmanship of committen, when he was no longer master of patronage, and affronted at like neglect by Garfield, resigned his seat. Appealing to the legislature of his State to approve his re was almost universal condemnation of the removal as unjust or impolitic, Garfield, afterwards President, called the removal the greatest act of folly. Lieber's
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
aph announced that Sumner was speaking, and the galleries filled rapidly; members of the House (among whom were observed Garfield, Shellabarger, Kelley, Butler, Banks, Hoar, and Dawes) came one after another on the floor, leaving their hall almost derom whom the President parted with a too friendly acceptance of his resignation. Later Administrations,—those of Hayes, Garfield, Arthur, Cleveland, and Harrison,—have happily escaped the succession of scandals which distinguished the civil service opposition to his nomination, and who resisted it during all the ballots, which finally ended in the nomination of James A. Garfield of Ohio. The people of the State, cherishing the memory of their senator, still remembered the indignity which had earnestly with Sumner to keep aloof from the secession of 1872, became a seceder in 1880, and supported Hancock against Garfield. Henry Ward Beecher, who was another of Sumner's critics in 1872, left his party in 1884, and remained outside of it fo
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 18 (search)
episode, or rather of the diplomatic fiasco, and a final question may be asked: If the acquisition of St. Thomas was so manifestly desirable as Miss Seward represents, how does it happen that no one at Washington or among the people during the twenty years since Mr. Seward left office has said a word to revive the scheme? A good thing does not die so easily; there will always be true men and wise men to appreciate what is of enduring value. We have since had six Presidents,—Grant, Hayes, Garfield, Arthur, Cleveland, and Harrison,—and, not counting Washburne, five Secretaries of State,—Fish, Evarts, Blaine, Frelinghuysen, and Bayard; but none of them has coveted this island of the Caribbean Sea, rifted by earthquakes, swept by cyclones, and submerged by tidal waves, the imagined centre of universal commerce and a necessary outpost for our national defence! Journalists and merchants have been alike silent. Foreign nations who were suspected to be greedy spectators have turned away f<