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Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, Publisher's Advertisement. (search)
, relating to the murder of Lovejoy, was reported by B. F. Hallett, Esq. As these reports were made for some daily or weekly paper, I had little time for correction. Giving them such verbal revision as the interval allowed, I left the substance and shape unchanged. They will serve, therefore, at least, as a contribution to the history of our Antislavery struggle, and especially as a specimen of the method and spirit of that movement which takes its name from my illustrious friend, William Lloyd Garrison. The only liberty the Publisher has taken with these materials has been to reinsert the expressions of approbation and disapprobation on the part of the audience, which Mr. Phillips had erased, and to add one or two notes from the newspapers of the day. This was done because they were deemed a part of the antislavery history of the times, and interesting, therefore, to every one who shall read this book,--not now only, but when, its temporary purpose having been accomplished by t
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, Biographical sketch of Wendell Phillips. (search)
ning the gamut of the harp of hearts. In January, 1832, the Anti-slavery Society was formed, just a year after William Lloyd Garrison had begun the publication of The Liberator in Boston. Who can forget the names of those noble-minded men and womo the great struggle which was Impending. In the crowded thoroughfares of Boston, he found the mission of his manhood. Garrison had just been driven from an anti-slavery platform. A mob had wrought the deed: the Puritan and patriot, the cultured ahable resolves, witnesses the events of a day. His soul knows the manhood of force, as well as the eloquence of speech. Garrison is being dragged through the streets of Boston; the young man follows, while respect for law, peace tenets, and personaloting in his brain. Pregnant liberty is heaving in the qualms. The mob, incited by the cries to violence, lay hands on Garrison, put a rope around his waist, and drag him to imprisonment! What a memorable day for the Puritan city! The abolitionis
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 5 (search)
have a copy. As the Epicureans, two thousand years ago, imagined God a being who arranged this marvellous machinery, set it going, and then sunk to sleep. Republics exist only on the tenure of being constantly agitated. The antislavery agitation is an important, nay, an essential part of the machinery of the state. It is not a disease nor a medicine. No; it is the normal state,--the normal state of the nation. Never, to our latest posterity, can we afford to do without prophets, like Garrison, to stir up the monotony of wealth, and reawake the people to the great ideas that are constantly fading out of their minds,--to trouble the waters, that there may be health in their flow. Every government is always growing corrupt. Every Secretary of State is, by the very necessity of his position, an apostate. [Hisses and cheers.] I mean what I say. He is an enemy to the people, of necessity, because the moment he joins the government, he gravitates against that popular agitation which
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 7 (search)
s fearlessly, according to their best judgment, of all the means God and Nature have put into their hands, to see that substantial justice be done. To this Mr. Garrison moves as an amendment the following: Resolved, That if resistance to tyrants, by bloody weapons, is obedience to God, and if our Revolutionary fathers wends of the cause and the fugitives among us need some advice; and that we cannot make a better use of this occasion than to discuss what that advice shall be. Mr. Garrison's amendment seems to me too ambiguous; it contents itself with announcing an important principle, but suggests nothing, and advises nothing. Why, Mr. Chairmto sacrifice himself or them to that extent. These are considerations which it is just as well to state, and to bring before the community. I know my friend, Mr. Garrison, differs from me on this question. You will listen to him. I shall not quarrel if you agree with his judgment, and leave me alone. I am talking to-night to t
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 8 (search)
hat have been made to our course ever since Mr. Garrison began his career, and which have been latel cordial and generous in his recognition of Mr. Garrison's claim to be the representative of the antomitted all Ion's expressions of regard for Mr. Garrison and appreciation of his motives, and reprindenouncing. But distant Europe honors William Lloyd Garrison because it credits him with seeking fon slaves. The critic takes exception to Mr. Garrison's approval of the denunciatory language in ent appeals, and fully sustained charges of Mr. Garrison's Letters on that subject no answer was eve great acuteness and rare common-sense by Messrs. Garrison, Goodell, Gerritt Smith, Pillsbury, and Ftanism,--I mean the Rev. Dr. Lyman Beecher. Mr. Garrison was one of those who bowed to the spell of the hot, reckless, ranting, bigoted, fanatic Garrison, who never troubled himself about facts, nor Bible! But Virginia is too near home! So is Garrison! One would have thought there was something [19 more...]
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 10 (search)
e fruit of the seed here planted, opened their eyes somewhat. Mr. Garrison has given us specimens enough of the press of that day. There wae exceeding moderation of the populace, that they did not murder Mr. Garrison on the spot! And this is the journal which Boston literature rehe memory of which might well make him tremblingly anxious to save Garrison's life, since of any blood shed that day, every law, divine and huoston. But to their honor be it remembered, also,--a fact which Mr. Garrison omitted to state,--that when Mayor Lyman urged them to go home, cking in knowledge of his office, is gone; the Judge before whom Mr. Garrison was arraigned, at the jail, the next day after the mob, is gone;nd how soon they may be successful, God only knows. Truly, as Mr. Garrison has said, the intellectual and moral growth of antislavery has bcation ought to have secured! Take up that file of papers which Mr. Garrison showed you, and think, Republicanism, a Protestant pulpit, free
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 11 (search)
ecognized the clink of it to-day, when the apostle of the Higher law came to lay his garland of everlasting — none has better right than he-upon the monument of the Pilgrims. [Enthusiastic cheering.] He says he is not a descendant of the Pilgrims. That is a mistake. There is a pedigree of the body and a pedigree of the mind. [Applause.] He knows so much about the Mayflower, that, as they say in the West, I know he was thar. [Laughter and applause.] Ay, Sir, the rock cropped out again. Garrison had it for an imposing-stone when he looked in the faces of seventeen millions of angry men and printed his sublime pledge, I will not retreat a single inch, and I will be heard. [Great cheering.] Sir, you say you are going to raise a monument to the Pilgrims. I know where I would place it, if I had a vote. I should place one corner-stone on the rock, and the other on that level spot where fifty of the one hundred were buried before the winter was over. In that touching, eloquent, te
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 13 (search)
ciples from Marshall, his constitutional learning from Story, and his doctrine of treason from Mr. George Ticknor Curtis [laughter]; and he followed Channing and Garrison a little way, then turned doughface in the wake of Douglas and Davis [applause and a few hisses]; at first, with Algernon Sidney (my blood boils yet as I think hbster moved by compulsion or calculation, not by conviction. He sunk from free trade to a tariff; from Chief Justice Marshall to Mr. George Ticknor Curtis; from Garrison to Douglas; from Algernon Sidney to the slave overseers. I read in this one of the dangers of our form of government. As Tocqueville says so wisely, The weakne was a muddle; hence came the era of outside agitation,--and those too lazy to think for themselves at least took a fixed point for their political perspective,--Garrison or Charles Sumner, for instance. [Mr. Phillips continued by remarking that all the people had ever asked of government was, not to take a step ahead, not to o
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 16 (search)
f the Chicago Convention. Do you see Mr. Lincoln? He believes a negro may walk where he wishes, eat what he earns, read what he can, and associate with any other who is exactly of the same shade of black he is. That is all he can grant. Well, on the other side is Mr. Seward. He believes the free negro should sit on juries, vote, be eligible to office,--that's all. So much he thinks he can grant without hurting the Union. Now raise your eyes up! In the blue sky above, you will see Mr. Garrison and John Brown! [Prolonged cheering.] They believe the negro, bond or free, has the same right to fight that a white man has,--the same claim on us to fight for him; and as for the consequences to the Union, who cares? Liberty first, and the Union afterwards, is their motto. [Cheers.] Liberty first, and, as the Scotch say, Let them care who come ahind. That Convention selected Lincoln for their standard-bearer. Enough gain for once. First the blade, then the ear, then the full cor
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, Mobs and education. (search)
shall you do if they appear, and put a stop to the lecture? Send them to the watch-house. [Applause.] Mr. Curtis lectured, and Mayor Henry was re-elected. While such men live, I am opposed to rotation in office. [Laughter.] It is a long while since we have had such a Mayor. Your magistrates have always needed twenty-four hours, and closetings with indignant citizens, before they learned their duties. In 1835, Mayor Lyman,--a lawyer, a scholar, a gentleman,--instead of protecting Mr. Garrison, or dying in front of him, spent the critical hour of the mob's existence in vaina intercessions with his personal friends, in pitiful appeals to drunken broadcloth, [slight hissing,] and went home to realize the noble opportunity he had lost of endearing his memory to law, liberty, and the good name of the city, to realize the grave duty he had failed to meet, and to spend his after life in bitter and unavailing regret over that disgraceful and wicked hour of his magistracy. But he liv
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