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Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 4 (search)
April, Congress took up this plan for consideration and action, and Mr. Spaight of N. C. moved that the fifth proposition above quoted, prohibiting Slavery after the year 1800, be stricken out of the Ordinance; and Mr. Read of S. C. seconded the motion. The question was put in this form: Shall the words moved to be stricken out stand? and on this question the Ays and Noes were required and taken, with the following result: N. Hamp Mr. Foster ay, Ay.   Mr. Blanchard ay, Massachu Mr. Gerry ay, Ay.   Mr. Partridge ay, R. Island Mr. Ellery ay, Ay.   Mr. Howell ay, Connect Mr. Sherman ay, Ay.   Mr. Wadsworth ay, New York Mr. De Witt ay, Ay.   Mr. Paine ay, N. Jersey Mr. Dick ay, No vote. By the Articles of Confederation, two or more delegates were required to be present to cast the vote of a State. New Jersey, therefore, failed to vote. Pennsyl Mr. Mifflin ay, Ay.   Mr. Montgomery ay,   Mr. Hand ay, Maryland Mr. Henry no, No.   Mr. St
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 11 (search)
the Northern Whigs in the minority. The members from the Free States, twenty-eight in all (all Democrats but Proffit, a Tylerized Whig), who voted for this resolve, were as follows: Maine.--Virgil D. Parris, Albert Smith.--New Hampshire.--Charles G. Atherton, Edmund Burke, Ira A. Eastman, Tristram Shaw.--New York.--Nehemiah II. Earle, John Fine, Nathaniel Jones, Gouverneur Kemble, James de la Montanya, John H. Prentiss, Theron R. Strong. Pennsylvania.--John Davis, Joseph Fornance, James Gerry, George McCullough, David Petriken, William S. Ramsay. Ohio.--D. P. Leadbetter, William Medill, Isaac Parrish, George Sweeney, Jonathan Taylor, John B. Weller. Indiana.--John Davis, George H. Proffit.--Illinois.--John Reynolds. In a little more than ten years after this, Congress prohibited the Slave-Trade in the District; and, within twenty-two years, Slavery itself, in that District, was likewise abolished by a decided vote. Thus Congress at last discovered and applied the true, en
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 19 (search)
ghtful government of that nation, however widely divergent it may be from our own notions of what is wisest and most beneficent: such are its great cardinal principles. To Washington and his eminent compatriots in our Revolutionary struggle, and in the framing of our Federal Union, is the credit justly due of having originated and firmly upheld this policy, in defiance of popular passion, and under circumstances of great difficulty and embarrassment. But Jefferson, Madison, George Clinton, Gerry, and their associate founders of the Republican party, very generally yielded to this policy a tacit, if not positive and emphatic, approval. The mob of the seaboard cities, who shouted beneath the windows of Citizen Genet, burned Jay's treaty in the streets, and clamored violently for alliance with revolutionary France and war upon Tory England, were, of course, anti-Federal; and their voices and votes helped to strengthen the Republican opposition in Congress, and to swell the steadily-gr