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Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1, Chapter 21: Mr. Davis's first session in Congress. (search)
this debate arose all Mr. Johnson's subsequent animosity against Mr. Davis. When Mr. Davis sprung up all aglow with indignation, and with as much fervor as eloquence, paid this tribute to his Alma Mater, and put a lance in rest for her, Joshua Giddings raised his gaunt form, put his hand behind his ear and listened. Ex-President John Quincy Adams crossed over from the other side of the chamber and took a seat near enough to hear. Mr. Adams was a rather thick-set, short man, with irregulamember he listened attentively once, and never again, unless pleased. Mr. Adams, when the debate was over, arose and said to one of the other members, We shall hear more of that young man, I fancy. While these amenities were at their height, Mr. Giddings showed a full set of gleaming teeth, and evidently enjoyed the little impromptu debate, not caring which got the worst of it. He seemed to think the slave-holders were given over to each other, and was willing to let them alone. On March II
ent. We put five hundred thousand men on the banks of the Potomac. Virginia is held by two races, white and black. Suppose those black men flare in our faces the Declaration of Independence. What are we to say? Are we to send Northern bayonets to keep slaves under the feet of Jefferson Davis? (Many voices--No, never. ) In 1842, Gov. Wise, of Virginia, the symbol of the South, entered into argument with Quincy Adams, who carried Plymouth Rock to Washington. (Applause.) It was when Joshua Giddings offered his resolution stating his Constitutional doctrine that Congress had no right to interfere, in any event, in any way, with the Slavery of the Southern States. Plymouth Rock refused to vote for it. Mr, Adams said (substantially,) If foreign war comes, if civil war comes, if insurrection comes, is this beleaguered capital, is this besieged Government to see millions of its subjects in arms, and have no right to break the fetters which they are forging into swords? No; the war po
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Fourth: orations and political speeches. (search)
as Silas Wright and Gov. Dix, were preparing to stand by their former political leader, in making some movement to resist the imperious demands of the slave power. Salmon P. Chase, who entertained strong anti-slavery sentiments, as well as Joshua Giddings, commanded great influence in Ohio, while Mr. Charles Francis Adams, and his friend, Charles Sumner, were putting forth their mightiest efforts to restore to the old Commonwealth of Massachusetts Bay the spirit of liberty, whose beacon-fireshrow off despotism of party; and with a view to unite men of all parties against the future encroachments of slavery, a mass Convention was called, to meet at Worcester on the 28th of June, 1848. In that convention, Mr. Charles Francis Adams, Mr. Giddings, and Mr. Sumner were the chief speakers, and the leading spirits. Before Mr. Sumner spoke, Charles Francis Adams, after showing how basely the Whig Party had prostituted itself to the behests of slavery, closed with the following stirring wor
as Silas Wright and Gov. Dix, were preparing to stand by their former political leader, in making some movement to resist the imperious demands of the slave power. Salmon P. Chase, who entertained strong anti-slavery sentiments, as well as Joshua Giddings, commanded great influence in Ohio, while Mr. Charles Francis Adams, and his friend, Charles Sumner, were putting forth their mightiest efforts to restore to the old Commonwealth of Massachusetts Bay the spirit of liberty, whose beacon-fireshrow off despotism of party; and with a view to unite men of all parties against the future encroachments of slavery, a mass Convention was called, to meet at Worcester on the 28th of June, 1848. In that convention, Mr. Charles Francis Adams, Mr. Giddings, and Mr. Sumner were the chief speakers, and the leading spirits. Before Mr. Sumner spoke, Charles Francis Adams, after showing how basely the Whig Party had prostituted itself to the behests of slavery, closed with the following stirring wor
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 8 (search)
sure in recognizing one exception to my remarks, Mr. Giddings. Perhaps he is no real exception, since it woulPalfrey and Mann, Chase and Hale, and Phillips and Giddings? Who taught the Christian Register, the Daily Advt, I was a man before I was a Commissioner, when Mr. Giddings says of the fall of slavery, quoting Adams, Let ction, not in what capacity the deed is done. Mr. Giddings is more careful in his statement; but, judged by exists anywhere, and I doubt not Mr. Sumner and Mr. Giddings feel themselves enlisted for the whole war. I winder clause construed away. But even then, does Mr. Giddings or Mr. Sumner really believe that slavery, existrefused to sanction this doctrine of his friend, Mr. Giddings, combating it ably and eloquently in his well-knlays down has many other applications. But is Mr. Giddings willing to sit down with slaveholders, like a badd something equal to the slave's side. But no, Mr. Giddings is content to give the slaveholder the irresisti
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 20 (search)
We put five hundred thousand men on the banks of the Potomac. Virginia is held by two races, white and black. Suppose those black men flare in our faces the Declaration of Independence. What are we to say? Are we to send Northern bayonets to keep slaves under the feet of Jefferson Davis? [Many voices, No! Never! ] In 1842, Governor Wise of Virginia, the symbol of the South, entered into argument with Quincy Adams, who carried Plymouth Rock to Washington. [Applause.] It was when Joshua Giddings offered his resolution stating his constitutional doctrine that Congress had no right to interfere, in any event, in any way, with the slavery of the Southern States. Plymouth Rock refused to vote for it. Mr. Adams said (substantially): If foreign war comes, if civil war comes, if insurrection comes, is this beleaguered capital, is this besieged government, to see millions of its subjects i-arms, and have no right to break the fetters which they are forging into swords? No; the war p
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 36. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Constitution and the Constitution. (search)
for the wall. In order to secure the black man's rights the white man's must be taken from him. Was the negro, as Jefferson surmised, simply a flail in the hands of enemies of a republic to accomplish results which otherwise were foiled? Was slavery the flail wherewith to beat down freedom? Was the real problem to put freedom in course of ultimate extinction? Race War and millenium. Finally, Morton has prophesied, they will bring about a war of races. At a much earlier day Joshua Giddings is reported to have said: I look forward to the day when I shall see the black man supplied with British bayonets and commanded by British officers, shall wage a war of extermination against the whites—when the master shall see his dwelling in flames and his hearth polluted; and though I may not mock at their calamity and laugh when their fear cometh, yet I shall hail it, as the dawn of a political millenium. Cause of the War, by S. D. Carpenter, page 63.—A millenium of polluted hearth