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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4 16 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: July 17, 1863., [Electronic resource] 6 0 Browse Search
James Parton, The life of Horace Greeley 6 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Olde Cambridge 6 0 Browse Search
William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune 6 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 6 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 6 0 Browse Search
John Harrison Wilson, The life of Charles Henry Dana 5 1 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 4 0 Browse Search
Jula Ward Howe, Reminiscences: 1819-1899 4 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for Parke Godwin or search for Parke Godwin in all documents.

Your search returned 8 results in 5 document sections:

Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860– April, 1861. (search)
—and they were very numerous at this time—were, with few exceptions, opposed to any compromise, and many of them were explicit in their disapproval of the propositions of Seward and Adams. But the writers, whether for or against concession, were all groping in darkness and uncertainty,—some thinking a separation likely, with more or less friction or collision, and then a possible reunion, but none foreseeing civil war and great armies facing each other from the Potomac to the Red River. Parke Godwin expressed the prevailing thought in a letter, Dec. 4, 1860:— As to our public affairs, I am greatly in the dark. Principles I see clearly; but I do not see what is likely to be the practical upshot of the crisis. The best way, doubtless, is to adhere to the right, and let the allwise Disposer bring out the issues in his time. None wrote at the time more thoughtfully than John Jay, who kept urging the necessity of precautions for securing Mr. Lincoln's inauguration in accordan
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
tion of one so clear-headed and well balanced with our foreign affairs. The Boston Advertiser, which had justified the capture and opposed a surrender, printed only a brief summary of the speech, while printing entire that of B. F. Thomas in the House which sustained Captain Wilkes. The New York Tribune printed Sumner's speech in full. The senator received testimonies of approval from a long list of correspondents,—among whom were John Bigelow, N. P. Tallmadge, Francis B. Cutting, Parke Godwin, R. H. Dana, Jr., Henry L. Dawes, Julius Rockwell, George T. Bigelow, Emory Washburn, John H. Clifford, James Russell Lowell, Charles E. Norton, Prof. Henry W. Torrey, John M. Read, and Wayne MacVeagh. From this large collection of tributes only two can be given. Theodore D. Woolsey wrote:— Having just read with pleasure your speech on the Trent case, as given in the Tribune of yesterday, I feel moved to express to you my satisfaction that you have given the affair such a shape
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
, and a distrust of his fitness for his place among public men who were associated with him. Visitors to Washington in 1863-1864 were struck with the want of personal loyalty to him. Adams's Biography of Dana, vol. II. pp. 264, 265, 271, 274; Godwin's Life of W. C. Bryant, vol. II. pp. 175, 178; P. W. Chandler's Memoir of John A. Andrew, pp. 111-114; Letter from Washington in Boston Commonwealth, Nov. 12, 1864. They found few senators and representatives who would maintain cordially and pose New York Sun, June 30, 1889, throw light on the movement. Republican conferences were held in the city of New York for the purpose of making a change: one at D. D. Field's house, August 14, where representative men were present,—Greeley, Parke Godwin of the Evening Post, William Curtis Noyes, Henry Winter Davis, Dr. Lieber, Lieber wrote Sumner, September 16, that he wished Lincoln could know that the people were to vote not for him but against McClellan. and twenty or more besides. It
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
edictory message in January, 1866, shows, was not in entire accord with Republican methods of reconstruction. The editors of the New York Evening Post, Bryant and Godwin, usually radical in their views, contended against compulsory action by Congress in the matter of suffrage, treating it as a prodigious and overwhelming centralism, and involving the danger of dangers. Parke Godwin to Sumner, September 18 (manuscript) New York Evening Post, September 26. That journal contended that more States were needed to ratify the thirteenth Constitutional amendment, and Sumner replied that it had already been ratified by a quorum of States. New York Evening Post, September 29, Works, vol. IX. pp. 489-492. From this time they were often at issue with Sumner on measures of reconstruction. Godwin's Life of Bryant, vol. II. pp. 238-242. The Evening Post, March 1, 1866, contains a rather cynical notice of Sumner's speech of February 5 and 6, 1866. While retaining its Republican connect
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?—1866-1867. (search)
es are something, still. E. L. Pierce wrote to Sumner, November 19: People are much pleased, particularly average people, with the Address. It perhaps declares a somewhat higher Caesarism than some minds would assent to; but tone, thought, sweep, general principles, and aspirations are all right. The New York Evening Post, Nov. 20, 1867, the day after the lecture in New York, controverted its main idea, and November 25 replied to exceptions which Sumner had taken to its first article. Parke Godwin was in the hall when the lecture was being delivered, but did not, as in other days, come to the platform at its close. The editor and the senator were not in agreement on measures of reconstruction. He admitted indeed the place of States in our system, as supplying opportunities for education and meeting local wants; Works, vol. XII. pp. 197, 243, 244. but he treated them as conveniences rather than essential organs of national life, and his conception reduced them almost to the le