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George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition. 13 1 Browse Search
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ld occasion less expense of officers, and would include the West India Islands; Grenville, in the House of Commons, in the debate of 5 March, 1770: Far from thinking the tax impracticable, some of the assemblies applied to me, by their agents, to collect this very tax. Compare Whately's Considerations, 71. Mr. Mauduit, the Massachusetts agent, favored the raising of the wanted money by a stamp duty, as it would occasion less expense of officers, and would include the West India islands. Gordon's History of the American Revolution, i. 158. and speaking for his constituents, he made a merit of cheerful submission to the ministerial policy. One man in Grenville's office, and one man only, did indeed give him sound advice; Richard Jackson, Richard Jackson to Jared Ingersoll, 22 March, 1766, in Letters of Ingersoll, 43: I was never myself privy to any measures taken with respect to the stamp act, after having formally declined giving any other advice on the subject, excepting that
e land tax would have been a reduction of £ 508, 732. to renew his proposal, boasting that taxes might be laid on the colonies to yield £ 500,000, which would secure the promised relief to the country gentlemen. This sum, he insisted, the Americans were well able to pay, and he was heard by the House with great joy and attention, For an account of Huske's speech, see extract of a letter from a gentleman in London to his friend in New-York, in Weyman's New-York Gazette of 5 April, 1764. Gordon, in History of American Revolution, i. 157, quotes the letter as from Stephen Savre to Capt. Isaac Sears, of New-York. See, also, Joseph Reed to Charles Pettit, London, 11 June, 1764, in Reed's Life and Correspondence of Reed, i. 33. The date of Sayre's letter shows the speech must have been made before the 7th of Feb., 1764; probably in December, 1763. betraying his native land for the momentary chap. IX.} 1763. Dec. pleasure of being cheered by the aristocracy, which was soon to laugh a
eserve the Prince of Wales! Pitt and liberty for ever! And high and low, rich and poor, joined in the chorus, Pitt and liberty! The daybreak of Wednesday, the fourteenth of chap. XVI.} 1765. Aug. August, saw the effigy of Oliver tricked out with emblems of Bute and Grenville, swinging on the bough of a stately elm, the pride of the neighborhood, known as the Great Tree, standing near what was then the entrance to the town. The pageant had been secretly prepared by Boston mechanics, Gordon, i. 175. J. Adams, II. 178. true born Sons of liberty, Benjamin Edes, the printer, Thomas Crafts, the painter; John Smith and Stephen Cleverly, the braziers; and the younger Avery; Thomas Chase, a fiery hater of kings; Affidavit of R. Silvester. Henry Bass, and Henry Welles. The passers-by stopped to gaze on the grotesque spectacle, and their report collected thousands. Hutchinson, as chief justice, ordered the sheriff to remove the image. We will take them down ourselves at evening, s
he people. But Colden, chap. XVII.} 1765. Sept. emboldened by the arrival of two artillery companies from England, put the fort in such a state of offence and defence, as to be able to boast alike to Conway Colden to Conway, 23 Sept. and Amherst, Colden to Amherst, 10 Oct. that he had effectually discouraged sedition. The people here will soon come to better temper, after taxes become more familiar to them, wrote an officer King's Lib. Ms. 213. The author seems to have been Lord Adam Gordon. who had been sent to America, on a tour of observation. I will cram the stamps down their throats with the end of my sword, James to Colden, giving an account of his examination before Parliament. Letter from N. Y. in S. C. Gazette. cried the braggart James, major of artillery, as he busied himself with bringing into the fort more field-pieces, as well as powder, shot, and shells. A. Golden to C. Golden, Sept. 1765. If they attempt to rise, I, he gave out, will drive them all o
and fact, or abstract truth; on special privileges, or universal season? Otis was instructed by Boston to support not only the liberty of the colonies, but also chartered rights. Johnson, of Connecticut, submitted a paper, which pleaded charters from the crown. But Robert R. Livingston, of New-York, the goodness of whose heart set him above prejudices, and equally comprehended all mankind, would not place the hope of America on that foundation; R. R. Livingston, jr., to the historian, Gordon. and Gadsden, of South Carolina, giving utterance to the warm impulses of a brave and noble nature, spoke against it with irresistible impetuosity. A confirmation of our essential and common rights as Englishmen, thus he himself reports his sentiments, Ms. Letter of Christopher Gadsden. may be pleaded from charters safely enough; but any further dependence upon them may be fatal. We should stand upon the broad common ground of those natural rights that we all feel and know as men, and a
ruary, those in Boston, and in many towns in Massachusetts, acceded to the association of Connecticut and New-York; and joined in urging a continental union. They of Portsmouth in New Hampshire pledged themselves equally to the same measures. Gordon's Hist. of the Am. Rev. II. 198. In Connecticut, on the tenth of February, the patriots of Norwich welcomed the plan; while, on the next day, a convention of almost all the towns of Litchfield county resolved that the Stamp Act was unconstitutio. 8 March, 1766. Cheered by the zeal of New England, the Sons of Liberty of New-York, under the lead of Isaac Sears and John Lamb, sent circular letters as far as South Carolina, inviting to the formation of a permanent continental union. Gordon, i. 199. But the summons was not waited for. The people of South Carolina grew more and more hearty against the Act. We are a very weak province, reasoned Christopher Gadsden, From an autograph letter of Christopher Gadsden to W. S. Johnso