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rters were the delegates from New England; yet Connecticut feared the negative power of the governor-general. On the royalist side none opposed but Delancey. He would have reserved to the colonial governors a negative on all elections to the grand council; but it was answered, that the colonies would then be virtually taxed by a chap. V.} 1754. congress of governors. The sources of revenue suggested in debate were a duty on spirits and a general stamp-tax. Smith's New York, II. 185. Gordon's History of the American Revolution, i. At length after much debate, in which Franklin manifested consummate address, the commissioners agreed on the proposed confederacy pretty unanimously. It is not altogether to my mind, said Franklin, giving an account of the result; but it is as I could get it, Ms. Letter of Franklin. and copies were ordered, that every member might lay the plan of union before his constituents for consideration; a copy was also to be transmitted to the governor of
incessant from Halifax and the Board of Trade; I can trace no such purpose to Pitt. In the history of the American Revolution by the inquisitive but credulous Gordon, Pitt is said to have told Franklin, that, when the war closed, he should take measures of authority against the colonies. This is erroneous. Pitt at that time had not even seen Franklin, as we know from a memoir by Franklin himself. Gordon adds, that Pitt, in 1759 or 1760, wrote to Fauquier, of Virginia, that they should tax the colonies when the war was over, and that Fauquier dissuaded from it. I have seen Fauquier's correspondence; both the letters to him, and his replies; and there is nothing in either of them giving a shadow of corroboration to the statement. Gordon may have built on rumor, or carelessly substituted the name of Pitt for Halifax and the Board of Trade. The narrative in the text I could confirm by many special quotations, and still more by the uniform tendency of the correspondence at that