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of vacancies that might result from death or neglect; signed warrants for the expense of preparing the American stamps; and enjoined the Governor to superintend and assist their distribution. Treasury Minute Book, XXXVII. 120, 123, 133. Treasury Letter, Book, XXIII. 205, 214. These minutes might have had their excuse in the principle, that there existed no power to dispense with the law of the land; but Dartmouth, from the Board of Trade, adopting the worst measure of corruption, which Grenville had firmly resisted, proposed to make the government of a province independent of the provincial legislature for its support. Representation of Lords of Trade to the king, 27 Sept. 1765. Every thing implied confidence in the obe- chap XVII.} 1765. Sept. dience of the colonies. And yet the tide of opinion in America was swelling and becoming irresistible. To the north and to the southward, said Hutchinson, the people are absolutely without the use of reason. A majority in every co
1765—January, 166. the Stamp Act, said George Grenville, when, ema- chap XX.} 1765. Dec. ciated,d his wish never again to employ Bedford and Grenville. The opinion of England was as fluctuatinial freedom replied, that no minister before Grenville had consented to carry such projects into efnfidently invoked the British constitution. Grenville declared the paramount authority of parliameg to open a breach through which Bedford and Grenville could take the cabinet by storm, divided agatituents as a candidate for re-election; yet Grenville, enraged at seeing authority set at naught wStamp Act, and leaned towards the opinion of Grenville. Sooner, said he, than make our colonies ou But he sat down, determined to vote against Grenville's amendment. Gilbert Elliot did the same; aent was withdrawn, but when three days later Grenville divided the house on a question of adjourninhinson and Oliver, wished that the system of Grenville, which brought money into the British excheq
o the late ministry, and he turned scornfully chap. XXI.} 1766. Jan. towards Grenville, who sat within one of him, every capital measure they have taken is entirelyure a lock of wool, or form a horse-shoe, or a hob-nail. Moffat. Compare Geo. Grenville to Knox, 15 Aug. 1768. Extra-Official State Papers, II. Appendix, No. 3. imperfect to be worth its attention. The disturbances in America, replied Grenville, who by this time had gained self-possession, began in July, and now weor the mother country, and would have merited attention. French Precis. Geo. Grenville to T. Pownall, 17 July, 1768. The stamp act is but the pretext of which calumnies; but in this place it becomes me to wipe off the aspersion. As Grenville ceased, several members got up; but the house clamored for Pitt, who seemed townshend, the paymaster, declined to vote at all. On the same day Bedford and Grenville were asked, if on Bute's opening the door, they were ready to negotiate for a
imself for future measures, not even for the repeal of the Stamp Act. When he comes to move resolutions of repeal, said Grenville's friends, he will have in his pocket another set of resolutions of an opposite character. Dowdeswell, the Chancellothat the strongest friends of power declared his speech to have been far superior to that of every other speaker; while Grenville, Yorke, and all the lawyers, the temperate Richard Hussey, who yet was practically for humanity and justice, Blackstonee millions of freemen in America. The Americans were henceforward excisable and taxable at the mercy of parliament. Grenville stood acquitted and sustained, chap. XXII.} 1766. Feb. the rightfulness of his policy was affirmed; and he was judged bill of rights. The tory party, with George the Third at its head, accepted from Burke and Rockingham the creed which Grenville claimed to be the whiggism of the revolution of 1688, and Mansfield the British constitution of his times. In Englan
telligence. The evening of that same day, Grenville resolved to test the temper of the house, ane and courage, having for his interrogators, Grenville and Charles Townshend, as well as the friendquestioners. Do you think it right, asked Grenville, that America should be protected by this co you not reimbursed by parliament? rejoined Grenville. Only what, in your opinion, answered Frankght up a second and a third time, and one of Grenville's ministry asked, May not a military force c Is there any kind of difference, continued Grenville's ministry, between external and internal tacharter of Pennsylvania? asked a friend of Grenville. No, said Franklin, chap. XXIII.} 1766. Feugh three wars. The total repeal, replied Grenville, will persuade the colonies that Great Brita as if it had been the face of an angel. As Grenville moved along, swelling with rage and mortificare again referred to, ibid, 300; and at 306 Grenville is reported as saying in the House of Common[11 more...]
ouse. Both England and America are now governed by the mob, said Grenville, continuing to oppose the repeal in every stage. Dyson hinted thle, legislative power. The final debate on the repeal ensued. Grenville chap. XXIV.} 1766. Mar. and his party still combated eagerly andthe royal ermine in the blood of the Americans. No, sir, replied Grenville, with personal bitterness, not dip the royal ermine in blood, butommons, in the Rockingham ministry, sanctioned the principles of Grenville, and adopted half-way, the policy chap. XXIV.} 1766. Mar. of Pit a second protest, containing a vigorous defence of the policy of Grenville, and breathing in every line the sanguinary desire to enforce thef improving and extending the commerce of the whole empire. When Grenville, madly in earnest, deprecated any change in the sacred Act of Nav766. April. introducing a new tax on windows. The English, said Grenville, must now pay what the colonists should have paid; De Guerchy
th the maxims by which the Court of Spain governed its conduct towards our part of America. Accounts of the differences between America and England are to be sought not only in the sources already referred to, but specially in the correspondence of the Colony Agents resident in London, with their respective Constituents. I pursued the search for papers of this class, till I succeeded in securing letters official or private from Bollan; Jasper Mauduit; Richard Jackson,—the same who was Grenville's Secretary at the Exchequer, a distinguished Member of Parliament, and at one time Agent for three Colonies;—Arthur Lee; several unpublished ones of Franklin; the copious and most interesting, official and private Correspondence of William Samuel Johnson, Agent for Connecticut; one letter and fragments of letters of Edmund Burke, Agent for New-York; many and exceedingly valuable ones, of Garth a Member of Parliament and Agent for South Carolina; and specimens of the Correspondence of Knox
d prevent an instantaneous reaction. Pitt had erected no stronger bulwark for America than the shadowy partition which divides internal taxation from imposts regulating commerce; and Rockingham had leapt over this slight defence with scorn, declaring the power of Parliament to extend of right to all cases whatsoever. But they who give absolute power, give the abuse of absolute power; —they who draw the bolts from the doors and windows, let in the robber. When the opinions of Bedford and Grenville became sanctioned as just principles of constitutional law, no question respecting their policy remained open but that of its expediency; and country gentlemen, if they had a right to raise a revenue from America, were sure that it was expedient to ease themselves of one fourth of their land-tax by exercising the right. The Administration were evidently without vitality; they are dead and only lying in state, was the common remark. Conway avowed himself eager to resign; Conway to Graf
rue to his affections, he next invited Chap. XXVI.} 1766. July. Temple, the beloved brother of his wife, the head of her family, and their common benefactor, to become the First Lord of the Treasury. But Temple, who had connected himself with Grenville Geo. Grenville to Bedford, 15 July, 1766, in Bedford Corr. III. 340. and the party of Bedford, refused to unite with the friends of Rockingham; and, having told the King, he would not go into the Ministry like a child, to come out like a foGeo. Grenville to Bedford, 15 July, 1766, in Bedford Corr. III. 340. and the party of Bedford, refused to unite with the friends of Rockingham; and, having told the King, he would not go into the Ministry like a child, to come out like a fool, Inquiry into the Conduct of a late Right Honorable Commoner, Durand, to Due de Choiseul, 3 Juillet, 1766. Temple to Lady Chatham, Chat. Corr. II. 469. he returned to Stowe, repeating this speech to the world, dictating a scurrilous pamphlet against his brother-in-law, and enjoying the notoriety of having been solicited to take office and been found impracticable. The discussion with Temple and its issue, still further aggravated the malady of Pitt. He was too ill, on the eighteenth,
ned without reason, or we have still reason to complain. Grenville was told, that he should have stationed a sufficient numblatter the prejudices of the King, and court the favor of Grenville and Bedford; for he saw that Chatham, who had declared tos ambition deceived him into the hope of succeeding where Grenville had failed; and in concert with Paxton, from Boston, he w civil list, and concentre the power of government, where Grenville looked only for revenue. He expected his dismissal if Ches for the land forces and garrisons in the Plantations. Grenville seized the opportunity to declaim on the repeal De Gues undone, if this taxation of America is given up. George Grenville, in Cavendish Debates, II. 35. Grenville at once 414, tells nothing of this debate, but what his hatred of Grenville prompted. Grenville was in a minority on his motion, butGrenville was in a minority on his motion, but triumphed in his policy. The next night, the Cabinet questioned the insubordinate Minister, how he had ventured to depar
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