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The reasonable request provoked universal dislike; Grenville and his friends appealed to it as fresh evidence, unusual expenditure on the continent of America. Grenville advised to lessen the expense, and charge Chap. Xluded by adopting substantially the suggestions of Grenville in favor of retrenchment and an American duty. Walpole, II. 418. By this time the friends of Grenville, of Bedford and of Rockingham, men the most imbitt be the consequence of its destruction. Compare Grenville in his Diary, Papers, IV. 214. During the war, andFriday, the twenty-seventh of February, Even in Grenville's Diary dates can be wrong. Grenville Papers, IV.really of only about nine farthings in the pound. Grenville, with more consistency, supported Guerchy to Chthe city dreaded the wound given to public credit; Grenville, who joyfully accepted the congratulations of the nd had in the King an inflexible enemy. Compare Grenville's Diary in the Grenville Papers, IV. 212, with Sir
e is below low-water mark, said Townshend to Grenville. On the thirtieth of March,—two days aftend Whately, and through them with Jenkinson, Grenville and Wedderburn, his plausible letters to Richat. Corr. III. 192, and for the opinion of Grenville, Chat. Corr. III. 208. Besides: no Province foretold the mischiefs that would ensue. Grenville who must have shed tears of spite, if he Chca did not fulfil the present requirements. Grenville advised to invest the Governor and Council ohe morning, when a question was so framed by Grenville, that the Rockinghams could join him in the p. XXIX.} 1767. May. sure, yet joining with Grenville who spoke for one more severe, effective andt nine in the evening without a division. Grenville then moved that many of the Colonies denied 7. of the Colonies. At least, then, renewed Grenville, take some notice of those in America, who h even more subversive of right than those of Grenville. He had designedly left the civil officers
a statesman had come from his opposition to Grenville and Bedford, governed himself exclusively byedford to Rockingham, 17 July, 1767, &c. &c. Grenville to Rigby, 16 July, 1767; and Same to Same, 1he meeting, Bedford, on behalf of Temple and Grenville, Grenville to Rigby, 16 July, 1767; TemplGrenville to Rigby, 16 July, 1767; Temple to Rigby, 16 July, 1767. Joint letter of Temple and Grenville, 17 July, 1767. declared their reang an ambiguity for the explicit language of Grenville. Yet the same difficulty recurred on discof Commons the lead must belong to Conway or Grenville. Against the latter Rockingham was inflexiber. Rockingham again avowed his distrust of Grenville Compare Lyttelton to Temple, Nov. 1767, iSuffolk respecting his enemy Grenville after Grenville's death only illustrates a proverb of two thgood means of information; Grafton says that Grenville was never liked by the King; and the Grenvilon that principle till the administration of Grenville. Never before did the British Commons think[9 more...]
, about which the King's speech was silent; Garth to South Carolina, 25 Nov. 1767. and when Grenville descanted on two or three papers in the Boston Gazette, as infamous libels on Parliament, the Junius, x. XXIX. and XXXI. in Bohm's edition, II. 146, 193, 199. Bedford himself objected to Grenville's Test for America; Lyttelton to Temple, in Lyttelton, 741. and preferred making an example almost Dec. blind and near his end, just before the removal of cataracts from his eyes, told Grenville, that his age, his infirmities and his tastes disinclined him to war on the Court, which was w to his kinsmen and friends; said those whom he deserted. Durand to Choiseul, 8 Jan. 1768. Grenville could not Chap. XXXI} 1767. Dec. conceal his despair. Durand to Choiseul, 18 Dec. 1767. To, Durand to Choiseul, 10 Dec. 1767. the Ministry was revolutionized, but without benefit to Grenville. The Colonies were taken from Shelburne and consigned to a separate department of State, with
tion? Sending regiments into Boston will be a summons for America to make the last appeal. Grenville and his friends W. S. Johnson's Journal, 15 Feb. 1768, and W. S. Johnson to Pitkin, 12 Marcners of the Customs applied directly to the Naval Commander at Halifax, Commodore Hood to Mr. Grenville, Halifax, July 11, 1768, in Grenville papers, IV. 306. and also sent a second memorial to thGrenville papers, IV. 306. and also sent a second memorial to the Lords of the Treasury. They said that a design had certainly been formed to bring them on the eighteenth of March to Liberty Tree, and oblige them to renounce their commissions. The Governor and ter Chap. XXXII.} 1768. March he had ejected Pitt; for Bute when he dismissed Newcastle; for Grenville so long as he was the friend of Bute; for Grenville, when he became Bute's most implacable foeGrenville, when he became Bute's most implacable foe; and for the slender capacity of the inexperienced Rockingham. The shadow of Chatham, after his desertion of the House, could sway its decisions. When Charles Townshend, rebelling in the Cabinet,
was raised, May. if strangers should be excluded from the debates. It has always been my opinion, said Barrington, that strangers should not be allowed to hear them. Strangers are entitled to hear them, replied Seymour. I ever wished, said Grenville, to have what is done here, well known. The people no longer acquiesced in the secrecy of the proceedings of their professed representatives. The decision was postponed; but this is the last Parliament of which the debates are not reported. y, 1768. While Massachusetts received encouragement from its sister Colonies, its Crown officers continued and extended their solicitations in England for large and fixed salaries, as the only way to keep the Americans in their dependence. Grenville's influence was the special resource of Hutchinson and Oliver, Oliver to Thomas Whately, 11 May, 1768. who had supported his Stamp Act and suffered as its martyrs; and they relied on Whately to secure for them his attention and favor; which
the country, excited disrespect and apprehensions against them. Compare Mr. John Temple to Mr. Grenville, Boston, New England, November 7, 1768, in Grenville Papers, IV. 396, 397. I am perfectly ofnd the Council Hutchinson to T. Whately, Boston, 18 June, 1768. Compare also T. Whately to Grenville, 26 July, 1768, in Grenville Papers, IV. 322. had only to appoint a committee to ascertain the sounded the alarm to his various correspondents, especially to Whately, Compare Whately to Grenville, 26 July, 1768; in Grenville Papers, IV. 322. I now know, &c. &c. to whom Paxton also sent wor, Boston, Philadelphia, and Charleston, Treasury Minute of 30 June, 1768. on the system of Grenville; taking an account of the cost to Chap. XXXIV.} 1768. July. the Exchequer of the Stamp Act, sditating to offer the Colonies some partial and inadequate representation in Parliament; George Grenville to Gov. Pownal, 17 July, 1768, in Pownall's Administration of the Colonies: ii. 113, in Ed.
the subservient Parliament was itself losing its authority and the reverence of the nation. A reform was hence- Chap. XXXVII} 1768. Oct. forward advocated by Grenville. The number of electors, such was his declared Grenville to William Knox, October, 1768, in Appendix to vol. II. of Extra Official State Papers, 23. opinionGrenville to William Knox, October, 1768, in Appendix to vol. II. of Extra Official State Papers, 23. opinion, is become too small in proportion to the whole people, and the Colonies ought to be allowed to send members to Parliament. The State of the Nation, published in October, 1768. What other reason than an attempt to raise discontent, replied Edmund Burke as the organ of the Rockingham Whigs, can he have for suggesting, that wand union with America as the vision of a lunatic. Edmund Burke's Observations on a State of the Nation; Works, i., 295, 296, 298, Am. Ed. The opinions of Grenville were obtaining universal circulation, just as intelligence was received of the proceedings of the town of Boston relative to the proposed convention. From their
's Speech, of 8 November, 1768; in the Boston Gazette of 23 January, 1769; 721, 3, 2 and 3. The order, he insisted, requiring the Massachusetts Assembly to rescind a vote under a penalty, was absolutely illegal and unconstitutional; and in this Grenville agreed with him. I wish the Stamp Act had never been passed, said Barrington in reply; but the Americans are traitors; worse than traitors against the Crown; they are traitors against the Legislature. The troops are to bring rioters to justicebleed for every drop of American blood that shall be shed, whilst their grievances are unredressed. I wish to see the Americans in our arms as friends — not to meet them as enemies. Dare you not trust yourselves with a general inquiry? asked Grenville. How do we know, parliamentarily, that Boston is the most guilty of the Colonies? I would have the Americans obey the laws of the country whether they like them or no; said Lord Barrington. The house divided, and out of two hundred who wer
her country, from the incapacity and avarice Temple to Grenville, 7 November, 1768; in Grenville Papers, IV. 396, and comp to Hutchinson, London, 11 Feb. 1769. and communicated to Grenville Compare for example, Whately to Grenville, 3 Dec. 1769Grenville, 3 Dec. 1769. Another Correspondent, the same gentleman, one of whose letters I lately sent you, &c. &c. The gentleman was Hutchinson. T. Biog. Of Thomas Whately. Mr. Whately showed them to Mr. Grenville, who showed them to Lord Temple, and they were seen by he cannot have a fair trial. God and nature oppose you. Grenville spoke against the Address, and scoffed at the whole planmaterials, I. Mauduit to Hutchinson, 10 Feb. 1769. and Grenville himself wrote the constitutional argument. Grenville wGrenville wrote from page 67 to page 86 inclusive. Knox's extra official State Papers, Appendix to Part II. page 15. I am tempted, confto find apologists for absolute Government. Whately to Grenville, 25 March, 1769; in Grenville Papers, IV. 417. While
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