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ct it, has produced in the Southern part of America, only two hundred and ninety-four pounds, fourteen shillings; in the Northern part it has produced nothing. For the sake of a paltry revenue, cried Lord Beauchamp, we lose the affection of two millions of people. We have trusted to terror too long, observed Jackson. Washing my hands of the charge of severity, said Lord North, I will not vote for holding out hopes, that may not be realized. If you are ready to repeal this Act, retorted Grenville, in answer to Lord North, why keep it in force for a single hour? You ought not to do so, from anger or ill-humor. Why dally and delay in a business of such infinite importance? Why pretend that it is too late in the session, that this is not the time, when the difficulty is every day increasing? If the Act is wrong, or you cannot maintain it, give it up like men. If you do not mean to bind the Colonies by your laws in cases of taxation, tell the Americans so fairly, and conciliate the
ave sent home whom he pleased, said the Boston- Chap. XLI.} 1769. July. eers; but the die being thrown, poor Sir Francis Bernard was the rogue to go first. Boston Gazette, 748, 2, 3; of 7 August, 1769. Trained as a wrangling proctor in an ecclesiastical court, he had been a quarrelsome disputant rather than a statesman. His parsimony went to the extreme of meanness; his avarice was insatiable and restless. So long as he connived at smuggling, he reaped a harvest in that way; when Grenville's sternness inspired alarm, it was his study to make the most money out of forfeitures and penalties. Professing to respect the Charter, he was unwearied in zeal for its subversion; declaring his opposition to taxation by Parliament, he urged it with all his power. Asserting most solemnly that he had never asked for troops, his letters reveal his perpetual importunities for ships of war and an armed force. His reports were often false, partly with design, partly from the credulity of pa
the underlings of present Ministers or prospective Ministers, of Grenville, or Hillsborough, or Jenkinson, or the King; urged them incessantOct. 1769. said he to Whately, his channel for communicating with Grenville. I have never yet seen any rational plan for a partial subjectioess and candid; Hutchinson, through secret channels, sent word to Grenville, to Jenkinson and Hillsborough, that all would be set right if Pssion, Hutchinson to Whately, 20 Oct. 1769; and see Whately to Grenville, 3 Dec. 1769; in Grenville Papers, IV. 486. would change the munie of Great Britain and America, with a vehement invective against Grenville. Hate him, said he to Grattan; I hope you hate him. And it was Grenville's speeches and Grenville's doctrine, that roused Grattan to enter on his great career in Ireland. Grattan's Life of Grattan, i. Grenville's doctrine, that roused Grattan to enter on his great career in Ireland. Grattan's Life of Grattan, i. 135, 136. The laboring people of England, also, in the manufacturing districts, especially in Birmingham, longed to enjoy the abundance a
o the work of conciliation thoroughly. It was known that Grenville would not give an adverse vote. Compare Du Chatelet tohe first man of the law, and the first man of the State. Grenville assumed fully the responsibility of the Stamp Act; but herrectly nor write coherently. Hence the proud, unbending Grenville was his aversion; and his years with the compliant Lord Nhe clan of Bedford, and were less friendly to reform than Grenville. When Burke and Wedderburne were allies, the opposition in England as well as in America. The last public act of Grenville's life was a step towards representative reform by establ April. career. On the ninth of April, four days after Grenville had carried his bill triumphantly to the House of Lords, e, without its consent, was against law. God forbid, said Grenville in the House of Commons, Cavendish Debates, i. 551. onuly, 1770; 796, 2, 2. acting in thorough conjunction with Grenville, brought the affairs of America before the House of Comm
d the united Kings of France and Spain, Chap. XLVI.} 1770. Dec. gave hope of happy effects. Compare A. Eliot to T. Hollis, 26 Jan. 1771. But this also failed. England, following the impulse given by Lord Egmont during the administration of Grenville, had taken possession of the Falkland Islands, as forming the key to the Pacific. Spain, claiming all that part of the world as her own, sent a fleet of five frigates which drove the English from their wooden block-house, and after detaining tf royalty was, for the time, triumphant in the cabinets; and had America then risen, she would have found no friends to cheer her on. At the same time the British Ministry attracted to itself that part of the Opposition which was composed of Grenville's friends. Now that he was no more, Suffolk became Secretary of State, instead of Weymouth; and Thurlow being promoted, Wedderburn, whose credit for veracity Lord North so lately impeached, and who in his turn had denied to that Minister honor
ce Franklin of the well ascertained fact. Franklin remaining skeptical, he returned in a few days with letters from Hutchinson, Oliver, and Paxton, written to produce coercion. These had been addressed to Whately, who had communicated them to Grenville, his patron, and through him to Lord Temple. Almon's Biog. Anecdotes, II. 105; confirmed by the recently printed Grenville Papers, which show that Whately was accustomed to communicate to Grenville what he received from Hutchinson. AnotherGrenville what he received from Hutchinson. Another correspondent, [i. e. Hutchinson,] the same gentleman, one of whose letters I lately sent you, &c. &c. Grenville Papers, IV. 480. They had been handed about, that they might more certainly contribute to effect the end which their writers had in view; and at Whately's death, remained in the possession of others. These, which were but very moderate specimens Chap. XLVIII.} 1772. Nov. of a most persevering and most extensive Correspondence of a like nature, Franklin was authorized to send to
en not only condemned by public opinion in England, but disapproved by the Secretary of State; Wedderburn pronounced it a masterly one, which had stunned the faction. Franklin, for twenty years had exerted his wonderful powers as the great conciliator, had never once employed the American press to alarm the American people, but had sought to prevent the Parliamentary taxation of America, by private and successful remonstrance during the time of the Pelhams; by seasonable remonstrance with Grenville against the Stamp Act; by honest and true answers to the inquiries of the House of Commons; by the best of advice to Shelburne. When sycophants sought by flattery to mislead the Minister for America, he had given correct information and safe counsel to the Ministry of Chap. LI.} 1774. Jan. Grafton, and repeated it emphatically, and in writing to the Ministry of North; but Wedderburn stigmatized this wise and hearty lover of both countries as a true incendiary. The letters which had bee
versation of the King with Hutchinson, just after Hutchinson's arrival from America. The press was also employed to rouse the national pride, till the zeal of the English people for maintaining English supremacy became equal to the passions of the Ministry. Even the merchants and manufacturers were made to believe that their command of the American market depended on the enforcement of the British claim of authority. It was, therefore, to a Parliament and people as unanimous as when in Grenville's day they sanctioned the Stamp Act, that Lord North, on the fourteenth of March, reserving the measures of a more permanent character, opened the first branch of his American plan, for the instant punishment of Boston. The privilege of its harbor was to be discontinued; and the port closed against all commerce, not merely till it should have indemnified the East India Company, but until the King should be satisfied that for the future it would obey the laws. He invited all branches of t
enate the affections of his subjects from his crown, but I will affirm, that, the American jewel out of it, they will make the crown not worth his wearing. The words of Chatham, when reported to the king, recalled his last interview with George Grenville, and stung him to the heart. He raved at the wise counsels of the greatest statesman of his dominions, as the words of an abandoned politician; classed him with Temple and Grenville as void of gratitude; and months afterwards was still lookGrenville as void of gratitude; and months afterwards was still looking for the time, when decrepitude or age should put an end to him as the trumpet of sedition. With a whining delivery, of which the bad effect was heightened by its vehemence, Suffolk assured the house, that in spite of Lord Chatham's prophecy, Chap. XVIII.} 1775. Jan. 20. the government was resolved to repeal not one of the acts but to use all possible means to bring the Americans to obedience. After declaiming against their conduct with a violence that was almost madness, he boasted of
others, particularly young Acland, angry at his manifest repugnance to cruelty, declared against him loudly and roughly. Whether any colony will come in on these terms I know not, said Lord North; but it is just and humane to give them the option. If one consents, a link of the great chain is broken. If not, it will convince men of justice and humanity at home, that in America they mean to throw off all dependence. Jenkinson reminded the house, that Lord North stood on ground chosen by Grenville; but the Bedford party none the less threatened to vote against the minister, till Sir Gilbert Elliot, the well known friend of the king, brought to his aid the royal influence, and secured for the motion a large majority. Lord North must have fallen, but for the active interposition of the king. Yet the conciliation which he offered, could not lead to an agreement, for no confidence could be placed in its author, who was the feeble head of an adverse ministry. Chatham, Chap. XXII.}
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