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f commons just before Bute retired. The execution of the design fell to George Grenville. Now Grenville conceived himself to be a whig of the straitest sect, for Grenville conceived himself to be a whig of the straitest sect, for he believed implicitly in the absolute power of parliament, and this belief he regarded as the great principle of the revolution of 1688. He was pleased with the th by the British parliament would reduce the colonial assemblies to a nullity; Grenville saw the justice of the objection, disclaimed the purpose, dropped that part onstitution, taxation and representation are inseparable correlatives; to this Grenville listened and answered, that the whole empire was represented collectively, thstitutional law, he passed the stamp act. When a difference at court drove Grenville from office, his theory lost its importance, for no party in England or Ameri and towards further defraying the expenses of defending the said dominions. Grenville had proposed taxes for the defence of the colonies; Townshend's preamble prom
t this time outside of the Chap. LI.} 1775. Nov. government, though steadily gaining political strength. Chatham, while he had life in him, was its nerve. Had Grenville been living, it would have included Grenville; it retained Rockingham, Grenville's successor; it had now recovered Grafton, Chatham's successor; and Lord North, Grenville; it retained Rockingham, Grenville's successor; it had now recovered Grafton, Chatham's successor; and Lord North, who succeeded Grafton, sided with Germain and Sandwich only by spasms, and though he loved his place, was more against his own ministry than for it. The king's policy was not in harmony with the England of the Revolution, nor with that of the eighteenth century, nor with that of the nineteenth. The England of to-day, which receiveGrenville's successor; it had now recovered Grafton, Chatham's successor; and Lord North, who succeeded Grafton, sided with Germain and Sandwich only by spasms, and though he loved his place, was more against his own ministry than for it. The king's policy was not in harmony with the England of the Revolution, nor with that of the eighteenth century, nor with that of the nineteenth. The England of to-day, which receives and brightens and passes along the torch of liberty, has an honest lineage, and springs from the England of the last century; but it had no representative in the ministry of Lord North, or the majority of the fourteenth parliament. America would right herself within a year; Britain and Ireland must wait more than a half century.
y Hartley: You now set the American congress the example of applying to foreign powers; when they intervene, the possibility of reconciliation is totally cut off. The third son of the earl of Bute spoke for sanguinary measures, and contrasted the unrivalled credit of England with the weak, uncurrent paper of America. The measures of ministers, said James Luttrell, who had served in America, are death-warrants to thousands of British subjects, not steps towards regaining the colonies. George Grenville, afterwards Marquis of Buckingham, proposed the alternative: Shall we abandon America, or shall we recover our sovereignty over that country? We had better make one effort more. Lord George Germain defended the treaties on the ground of necessity; this Lord Barrington confirmed, for British recruits could not be procured on any terms, and the bargain was the best that could be made. All complaints were ineffectual; the ministers were sustained by their usual majority. Five days la
ast, expect to find in England a wall of protection. But during the seven years war, in disregard of treaty obligations, its ships were seized on the ground that they had broken the arbitrary British rules of contraband and blockade. In the year 1758 the losses of its merchants on these pretences were estimated at more than twelve million guilders. In 1762 four of its Chap. I.} 1778. ships, convoyed by a frigate, were taken, after an engagement; and though the frigate was released, George Grenville, then secretary of state, announced by letter to its envoy that the right of stopping Dutch ships with naval stores must be and would be sustained. Stormont to Yorke, 11 January, 1780. These violences began to wean the Dutch people from their attachment to England. Could the prizes, which her courts wrongfully condemned, compensate for the affections of an ally of a hundred years? But this was not the worst: she took advantage of the imperfections in the constitution of the Neth
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