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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 18 0 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1 15 1 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 2 12 0 Browse Search
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Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 2, Chapter 1: the Boston mob (second stage).—1835. (search)
neither to encounter nor to fear. As to calling out the military, the Mayor perhaps had no statute authority to do so; Garrison mob, p. 58; but compare B. F. Hallett's view of the Mayor's unlimited power, in his Daily Advocate, almost the only journal friendly to the abolitionists (Lib. 5.180). and if he had, the militia wa had you remained over Thursday night the house would have been attacked. The mobites, as you will perceive by all the papers of the city, with one exception, Hallett's Daily Advocate. are either directly or indirectly applauded for their outrages. They know that, so long as they confine their plunder and violence to the propeas you suggest would have a good effect if called by any persons but abolitionists. The editor of the Advocate has taken a manly stand on this subject, but I B. F. Hallett. do not believe there is virtue enough in the community to sustain him in the call for a public meeting. If you continue at Brooklyn, I shall be always read
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 2, Chapter 3: the Clerical appeal.—1837. (search)
en, on that occasion, a citizen who had rendered himself obnoxious only by a free discussion of that subject, barely escaping with his life from the fury of this mob, and actually committed to prison by the municipal authorities as the only place of security. Finally, we have seen a public meeting held by our most respected citizens at Faneuil Hall, not for the purpose of condemning such outrages, but for the purpose of condemning the free discussion which had given occasion to them. Mr. Hallett, in his Daily Advocate, flatly declared that the blood of Lovejoy was on the hands of the promoters of the Faneuil Hall meeting. Seth J. Thomas, a prominent lawyer of Boston, invited by a committee consisting of Francis Jackson, Edmund Quincy, and Ellis Gray Loring, to speak at the Lovejoy indignation meeting about to be held in the same hall, responded: The liberty of the press has been wantonly assailed, and Ms. Nov. 30, 1837. the citizens of Alton are not alone guilty of the ou
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 2, Index to volumes I. And II. (search)
iree, 384; at Glasgow reception, 399; at Chardon St. Convention, 424. Advertiser (Boston), publishes Otis's letter to Hayne, 1.242; defends Boston mob, 2.36, abuses H. Martineau, 56; letter from G. Lunt, 97. Advocate (Boston), edited by B. F. Hallett, 2.40. Advocate of Truth, 1.306. African Repository, organ of Am. Colonization Soc., 1.262, attacks Birney, 458, notice of Le Moyne, 2.39. African Sentinel, 1.272. Aikin, Lucy [1781-1864], 1.296. Alabama, requisition on N. Y. f 28, 1812; d. Plymouth, Mass., April 15, 1868], part in founding New Eng. A. S. Soc., 1.278, 280; attentions to G., 341; delegate Nat. A. S. Convention, 398, committeeman, 406, makes an office for G., 415; praises him, 2.122; defection, 293. Hallett, Benjamin F. [1797-1862], edits Daily Advocate, 1.482; censures Mayor Lyman, 2.32, 43; on Lovejoy's death, 187. Hallowell, Morris L. [b. Aug. 14, 1809; d. June 16, 1881], 2.217. Hamilton, James [1786-1857], message concerning Lib., 1.241,
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, Publisher's Advertisement. (search)
it worth while. Four or five of them ( Idols, The election, Mobs and education, Disunion, Progress, ) were delivered in such circumstances as made it proper I should set down beforehand, substantially, what I had to say. The preservation of the rest you owe to phonography; and most of them to the unequalled skill and accuracy, which almost every New England speaker living can attest, of my friend, J. M. W. Yerrinton. The first speech, relating to the murder of Lovejoy, was reported by B. F. Hallett, Esq. As these reports were made for some daily or weekly paper, I had little time for correction. Giving them such verbal revision as the interval allowed, I left the substance and shape unchanged. They will serve, therefore, at least, as a contribution to the history of our Antislavery struggle, and especially as a specimen of the method and spirit of that movement which takes its name from my illustrious friend, William Lloyd Garrison. The only liberty the Publisher has taken w
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, The murder of Lovejoy. (search)
of Faneuil Hall for a public meeting. The request was refused. Dr. Channing then addressed a very impressive letter to his fellow-citizens, which resulted in a meeting of influential gentleman at the Old Court Room. Resolutions, drawn by Hon. B. F. Hallett, were unanimously adopted, and measures taken to secure a much larger number of names to the petition. This call the Mayor and Aldermen obeyed. The meeting was held on the 8th of December, and organized, with the Hon. Jonathan Phillips for Chairman. Dr. Channing made a brief and eloquent address. Resolutions, drawn by him, were then read and offered by Mr. Hallett, and seconded in an able speech by George S. Hillard; Esq. The Hon. James T. Austin, Attorney-General of the Commonwealth, allowed in a speech of the utmost bitterness, styled by the Boston Atlas a few days after most able and triumphant. He compared the slaves to a menagerie of wild beasts, and the rioters at Alton to the orderly mob which threw the tea ove
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 9 (search)
Well, Gentlemen, it is said,--I cannot state it on any thing but rumor,--that, as the crowning act of his unjudicial conduct, he communicated his decision to one party twenty hours before he communicated it to the other, so that Messrs. Smith, Hallett, Thomas, Suttle, & Co. had time to send down into Dock Square and have bullets cast for the soldiers who were to be employed to assist the slave-hunter; had time to inform the. newspapers in the city what they intended to do;--while Messrs. Danaen the application was made, as Captain Hayes of our police did, when called on to aid in doing the very act which Mr. Loring had brought like a plague on the city? Could he not have declined to issue the warrant or take part in the case, as B. F. Hallett was reported to have done in the case of William and Ellen Crafts? But whether he could or not matters not to you, Gentlemen. Massachusetts has a right to say what sort of men she will have on her bench. She does not complain if vile men
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 13 (search)
must itself be weak indeed; for this is only to make him out the one-eyed monarch of the blind. Not one high moral trait specified; not one patriotic act mentioned; not one patriotic service even claimed. Look at Mr. Webster's idea of what a lawyer should be in order to be called great, in the sketch he drew of Jeremiah Mason, and notice what stress he lays on the religious and moral elevation, and the glorious and high purposes which crowned his life! Nothing of this now! I forget. Mr. Hallett did testify for Mr. Choate's religion [laughter and applause]; but the law maxim is, that a witness should be trusted only in matters he understands, and that evidence, therefore, amounts to nothing. [Merriment.] Incessant eulogy; but not a word of one effort to lift the yoke of cruel or unequal legislation from the neck of its victim; not one attempt to make the code of his country wiser, purer, better; not one effort to bless his times or breathe a higher moral purpose into the communi
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, Mobs and education. (search)
he right of free speech, a right which no sane man in our age and land denies. Yet you have still to read the first word of fitting, fearless, hearty rebuke, from the Boston daily press, of a mob, well dressed, met to crush free speech. I have known Boston for thirty years. I have seen many mobs. With one exception, I have yet to see the first word of honest rebuke, from the daily press, of a well-dressed mob met to crush honest men; and that exception was the Boston Daily Advocate of Mr. Hallett, in 1835 and 1837. Let me say, in passing, that it is a singular result of our institutions, that we have never had in Boston any but well-dressed mobs. Still they are dangerous precedents,--well-dressed men hire hungry mechanics to mob free speech. Beware! such men may better the instruction. The flour mobs followed close on the pro-slavery mobs in New York. But such a press,--what a tool, what a despicable tool! The press will think me unjustifiable, perhaps, for they affect to
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 18 (search)
n mind from all connection with it, all vassalage to it, immediately, would be a better, healthier, and more wholesome cure, than to let the Republican party exert this gradual influence through the power of the government for thirty or sixty years. We are seeking the best way to get rid of a great national evil. Mr. Seward's way is to take the Union as a fixed fact, and then educate politics up to a certain level. In that way we have to live, like Sinbad, with Gushing and Hillard and Hallett and O'Connor and Douglas, and men like them, on our shoulders, for the next thirty or forty years; with the Deweys and President Lords, and all that class of men,--and all this timid servility of the press, all this lack of virtue and manhood, all this corruption of the pulpit, all this fossil hunkerism, all this selling of the soul for a mess of pottage, is to linger, working in the body politic for thirty or forty years, and we are gradually to eliminate the disease! What an awful future
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 30: addresses before colleges and lyceums.—active interest in reforms.—friendships.—personal life.—1845-1850. (search)
ourt. Once he was counsel in some insurance cases before Judge Williams, a referee. He had charge of several patent causes,—one already referred to concerning friction matches, on which he was still employed in the summer of 1851; Ante, vol. II. p. 292. one concerning a rotary-power stocking loom; and another concerning a contrivance for grinding the knives or blades of a straw-cutting machine. This last patent cause was on trial for a week, and ended in a disagreement of the jury. B. F. Hallett was associated with Sumner as plaintiff's counsel, and Henry B. Stanton and Horace E. Smith were for the defence. According to Mr. Stanton, Sumner shone in the hard fight. Tills is his only known case before a jury at this period. His last appearance in court was when he argued in the Supreme Court of the State in behalf of a trustee's answer in a trustee process. Rice v. Brown, 9 Cushing Reports, vol. IX. p. 308. He appeared for his friend, F. W. Bird, before a legislative commit
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