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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 207 5 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10 90 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 56 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 34 2 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 32 0 Browse Search
Raphael Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat During the War Between the States 28 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 24 0 Browse Search
George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard) 22 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 21 1 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1 20 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for Alexander Hamilton or search for Alexander Hamilton in all documents.

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ics to dispose of, should participate in the general suffering, and earnestly scan the political and social horizon in quest of sources and conditions of comprehensive and enduring relief, was inevitable. And thus industrial paralysis, commercial embarrassment, and political disorder, combined to overbear inveterate prejudice, sectional jealousy, and the ambition of local magnates, in creating that more perfect Union, whereof the foundations were laid and the pillars erected by Washington, Hamilton, Franklin, Madison, and their compeers, in the Convention which framed the Federal Constitution. Yet it would not be just to close this hasty and casual glance at our country, under the old federation, without noting some features which tend to relieve the darkness of the picture. The abundance and excellence of the timber, which still covered at least two-thirds of the area of the then States, enabled the common people to supply themselves with habitations, which, however rude and unco
and-then a State of relatively extensive foreign commerce — which interposed its paralyzing veto. Political impotence, commercial embarrassment, and general distress, finally overbore or temporarily silenced sectional jealousies and State pride, to such an extent that a Convention of delegates from a quorum of the States, called together rather to amend than to supersede the Articles of Confederation, was legally assembled at Philadelphia in 1787, George Washington, Benjamin Franklin, Alexander Hamilton,James Madison, Edmund Randolph, and Charles C. Pinckney, being among its most eminent members. John Adams and Thomas Jefferson were absent as Embassadors in Europe. Samuel Adams, George Clinton, and Patrick Henry stood aloof, watching the movement with jealous apprehension. Franklin, then over eighty-one years of age, declined the chair on account of his increasing infirmities; and, on his motion, George Washington was unanimously elected President. The Convention sat with closed
I know not what disposition has been made of my plantation at Cayenne; but I hope Madam De Lafayette will take care that the negroes who cultivate it shall preserve their liberty. The following language is also Lafayette's, in a letter to Hamilton, from Paris, April 13, 1785: In one of your New York Gazettes, I find an association against the Slavery of the negroes, which seems to me worded in such a way as to give no offense to the moderate men in the Southern States. As I have ever been partial to my brethren of that color, I wish, if you are one in the society, you would move, in your own name, for my being admitted on the list.--Works of Alex. Hamilton, N. Y., 1851, vol. i., p. 423. John Adams, in a letter to Robert J. Evans, June 8, 1819, expresses himself as follows: I respect the sentiments and motives which have prompted you to engage in your present occupation so much, that I feel an esteem and affection for your person, as I do a veneration for your assum
by 26 Yeas to 15 Nays. Missouri, through her legislature, complied with the condition, and thereby became an admitted State. And thus closed the memorable Missouri controversy, which had for two years disturbed the harmony, and threatened the peace of the Union. Even John Adams's faith in the Union was somewhat shaken in this stormy passage of its history. In a letter to Thomas Jefferson, December 18, 1819, he said: The Missouri question, I hope, will follow the other waves under the ship, and do no harm. I know it is high treason to express a doubt of the perpetual duration of our vast American empire, and our free institutions; and I say as devoutly as father Paul, esto perpetua: and I am sometimes Cassandra enough to dream that another Hamilton, another Burr, may rend this mighty fabric in twain, or perhaps into a leash, and a few more choice spirits of the same stamp might produce as many nations in North America as there are in Europe.--Adams's Works, vol. x., p. 386.
the continual enlargement of Federal power by latitudinous and unwarranted construction. In the Federal Convention of 1787 (Debate of Monday, June 18th): Mr. Hamilton, of New York, said: The General power, whatever be its form, if it preserves itself, must swallow up the State Governments. Otherwise, it would be swallowed usignal and baneful influence on the future of their country. The Protective Policy, though its earliest conspicuous champion in our national councils was Alexander Hamilton, General Washington's Secretary of the Treasury, came, at a later day, to be mainly championed by Republicans. The great merchants were leading Federalistsmnation of the Calhoun or South Carolina theory of the nature, genius, and limitations of our Federal pact, are as decided and sweeping as any ever propounded by Hamilton, by Marshall, or by Webster himself. After reciting the purport and effect of the South Carolina Ordinance, General Jackson proceeds: The Ordinance is fou
North Carolina were honorably conspicuous. Most of the States, accordingly, prohibited the Slave-Trade during or soon after the Revolution. Throughout the war for independence, the Rights of Man were proclaimed as the great objects of our struggle. General Gates, the hero of Saratoga, emancipated his slaves in 1780. The first recorded Abolition Society--that of Pennsylvania--was formed in 1774. The New York Manumission Society was founded in 1785: John Jay was its first President; Alexander Hamilton its second. Rhode Island followed in 1786; Maryland in 1789; Connecticut in 1790; Virginia in 1791; New Jersey in 1792. The discovery that such societies were at war with the Federal Constitution, or with the reciprocal duties of citizens of the several States, was not made till nearly forty years afterward. These Abolition Societies were largely composed of the most eminent as well as the worthiest citizens. Among them were, in Maryland, Samuel Chase, a signer of the Declaration, a
majority of delegates hostile to ratification. The friends of the Constitution were constrained to resort to delay, to policy, and to propositions of amendment, to overcome or wear out the resistance they had encountered. In this dilemma, Alexander Hamilton wrote to James Madison to ask if the Constitution might not be accepted provisionally, with liberty to recede from the Union formed by it, if experience should justify the apprehensions of its adversaries. Mr. Madison promptly and wisely responded Col. Hamilton, having first set before Mr. Madison the formidable obstacles to ratification, proceeded as follows: You will understand that the only qualification will be the reservation of the right to recede, in case our amendments have not been decided upon in one of the modes pointed out by the Constitution within a certain number of years — perhaps five or seven. If this can, in the first instance, be admitted as a ratification, I do not fear any further consequences.
rnor of his State, 576. Halleck, Gen. Henry W., succeeds to the command in Missouri, 594. Hamilton, Alexander, 42; letter from Lafayette to, 51; 82; 107; letter to Madison, 357. Hamilton, AndHamilton, Andrew J., of Texas, 339; 350. Hamilton, Gen. James, Jr., of S. C., 169. Hamlet, James, a fugitive slave, 215. Hamlin, Hannibal, 189; nominated for Vice-President, 321. Hammet, Wm. H., of MisHamilton, Gen. James, Jr., of S. C., 169. Hamlet, James, a fugitive slave, 215. Hamlin, Hannibal, 189; nominated for Vice-President, 321. Hammet, Wm. H., of Miss., 161. Hammond, James H., of S. C., 144; 180; 181; 830; 337. Hamner, Rev. James G., on Slavery, 631. Hampton, Va., burnt by Magruder's order, 529. Hampton, Col., wounded at Bull Run, 543, 141. L. Lafayette, letter from Washington to, 51; letter from, in prison, 51; letter to Hamilton, 51; 254. Lamon, Col. Ward H., visits Charleston, 542. Lander, Gen., at the battle of Phi Missouri question, 75; 82; 83; drafts the Virginia Resolves of 1799, 84; 110; 264-5; letter to Hamilton, 357; 497. Madisonian, The, letter from Gilmer to, 156. Magoffin, Beriah, of Ky., elected