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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 207 5 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10 90 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 56 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 34 2 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 32 0 Browse Search
Raphael Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat During the War Between the States 28 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 24 0 Browse Search
George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard) 22 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 21 1 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1 20 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1. You can also browse the collection for Alexander Hamilton or search for Alexander Hamilton in all documents.

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Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 13 (search)
of forgiveness? And, mark, the Publican repented. When did Mr. Webster repent, either in person or by the proxy of Mr. Edward Everett? We have no such record. The sm is confessed, acknowledged, as a mistake at least; but there's no repentance! Let us look a little into this doctrine of statues for sinners. Take Aaron Burr. Tell of his daring in Canada, his watch on the Hudson, of submissive juries, of his touching farewell to the Senate. But then there was that indiscretion as to Hamilton. Well, Mr. Immaculate, remember the Publican. Or suppose we take Benedict Arnold,--brave in Connecticut, gallant at Quebec, recklessly daring before Burgoyne! But that little peccadillo at West point Think of the Publican, Mr. Immaculate. Why, on this principle, one might claim a statue for Milton's Satan. He was brave, faithful to his party, eloquent, shrewd about many a map with a red line on it ! There's only that trifle of the apple to forgive and forget in these generous and chari
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 16 (search)
ling West Point to the British! Such an appointment was the Parthian arrow of a traitor and a snob. Then we have Lincoln for President [applause],--a Whig,--a Revolutionary Whig,--a freedom-loving Whig, --a Whig in the sense that Jefferson, Hamilton, and Washington were Whigs. How much is that worth? I said we had passed the Rubicon. Caesar crossed the Rubicon, borne in the arms of a people trodden into poverty and chains by an oligarchy of slaveholders; but that oligarchy proved too strnd the Ledger is printed, no one will presume to say there can be a better President than Washington. Indeed, Mr. Seward asks in great contempt of any man who undertakes to improve the Constitution, Are you more just than Washington, wiser than Hamilton, more humane than Jefferson? Well, then, Washington, pursuing the very policy which Mr. Lincoln proposes to follow, launched the ship of state on seas white with the fervor of the Revolutionary love of liberty, and made shipwreck. Every admini
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 18 (search)
like Mr. Seward, are not afraid to tell, even now, all and just what we wish,--let us look at the real nature of the crisis in which we stand. The Tribune says we should forget the negro. It seems to me that all our past, all our present, and all our future command us at this moment to think of nothing but the negro. [Slight laughter derisively.] Let me tell you why. Mr. Seward says, The first object of every human society is safety ; I think the first duty of society is justice. Alexander Hamilton said, Justice is the end of government. It is the end of civil society. If any other basis of safety or gain were honest, it would be impossible. A prosperous iniquity, says Jeremy Taylor, is the most unprofitable condition in the world. The nation which, in moments when great moral questions disturb its peace, consults first for its own safety, is atheist and coward, and there are three chances out of four that it will end by being knave. We were not sent into the world to plant
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 19 (search)
principle and enthusiasm,--a union rare in the history of revolutions. Northern merchants fretted at England's refusal to allow them direct trade with Holland and the West Indies. Virginia planters, heavily mortgaged, welcomed anything which would postpone payment of their debts,--a motive that doubtless avails largely among Secessionists now. So merchant and planter joined heartily with hot-headed Sam Adams, and reckless Joseph Warren, penniless John Adams, that brilliant adventurer Alexander Hamilton, and that young scapegrace Aaron Burr, to get independence. [Laughter.] To merchant, independence meant only direct trade,--to planter, cheating his creditors. Present conflict of interests is another instrument of progress. Religious persecution planted these States; commercial persecution brought about the Revolution; John Bull's perseverance in a seven-years war fused us into one nation; his narrow and ill-tempered effort to govern us by stealth, even after the peace of 1783, d
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 20 (search)
rolina presents herself to the administration at Washington, and says, There is a vote of my convention, that I go out of the Union. I cannot see you, says Abraham Lincoln [Loud cheers.] As President, I have no eyes but constitutional eyes; I cannot see you. [Renewed cheers.] He could only say, like Speaker Lenthal before Charles the First, I have neither eyes to see nor tongue to speak but as the Constitution is pleased to direct me, whose servant I am. He was right. But Madison said, Hamilton said, the Fathers said, in 1789, No man but an enemy of liberty will ever stand on technicalities and forms, when the essence is in question. Abraham Lincoln could not see the Commissioners of South Carolina, but the North could; the nation could; and the nation responded, If you want a Constitutional secession, such as you claim, but which I repudiate, I will waive forms: let us meet in convention, and we will arrange it. [Applause.] Surely, while one claims a right within the Constituti
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 26 (search)
Copperheads has been killed, not by a stripling, but by a girl. [Applause.] Or if we must add to her merits that of General Hamilton of Texas, the eloquent champion of the Union, then we can almost say that out of the mouths of girls and slaveholderf Commons to her side. Many slaveholders will submit to be colonists of England where one would submit to Lincoln. General Hamilton goes to Boston, a slaveholder, and says on our platform, I am glad that my slaves are gone if it saves the Union. Ia man as Halleck, who hates negroes, spurns novelties, distrusts ideas, rejects everything but red tape. The others are Hamilton, Butler, Phelps, and Fremont [loud applause], Sigel, who mean that this Union shall mean justice at any rate, and that itler.] Why is he, one of the ablest of the very few able men this war has thrown to the surface,--why is he idle? General Hamilton had the promise of the government at Washington, over and over again, that he might go and shut the back door of the