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Robert Lewis Dabney, Life and Commands of Lieutenand- General Thomas J. Jackson 4 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 4 0 Browse Search
Edward H. Savage, author of Police Recollections; Or Boston by Daylight and Gas-Light ., Boston events: a brief mention and the date of more than 5,000 events that transpired in Boston from 1630 to 1880, covering a period of 250 years, together with other occurrences of interest, arranged in alphabetical order 4 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Index, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 4 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: January 16, 1861., [Electronic resource] 4 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 32. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 4 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 2 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 2 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 2 0 Browse Search
Lydia Maria Child, Letters of Lydia Maria Child (ed. John Greenleaf Whittier, Wendell Phillips, Harriet Winslow Sewall) 2 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: December 13, 1865., [Electronic resource] 2 0 Browse Search
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Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler, Chapter 5: Baltimore and Fortress Monroe. (search)
and learning exactly the military condition there, with an accuracy and intelligence entirely trustworthy. I had reported to General Scott what military stores were in Baltimore from time to time. These reports were answered by my friend General Hamilton, his private secretary, with directions that when I thought it best I might capture these stores, and stop them from being sent to Harper's Ferry. Among the rest there was a large quantity of provisions reported as being prepared at a bakery in Baltimore for the support of the rebel troops at Harper's Ferry. I also informed General Scott I had ascertained that the limits of my department included Baltimore. In answer I received the following from Colonel Hamilton:-- General Scott desires me to invite your attention to certain guilty parties in Baltimore, namely, those connected with the guns and military cloths seized by your troops [at the Relay House], as well as to the baker who furnished supplies of bread for Harper's Fer
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler, Chapter 6: contraband of War, Big Bethel and Hatteras. (search)
one more than your late commander, are proud to serve. Thereupon General Wool, who was lieutenant-general by brevet, immediately put me in command of all the troops in the department except the regulars. headquarters Department of Virginia, Fortress Monroe, Va., August 21, 1861. Special Order No. 9. Major-General B. F. Butler is hereby placed in command of the volunteer forces in this department, exclusive of those at Fortress Monroe. His present command at Camps Butler and Hamilton will include the First, Second, Seventh, Ninth, and Twentieth New York Regiments, the Battalion of Massachusetts Volunteers, and the Union Coast Guard, and the Mounted Rifles. By command of Major-General Wool: C. C. Churchill, First Lieutenant, Third Artillery, Actg. Asst. Adjt.-Gen. To show what General Wool thought as to my not having done any more, I take leave to transcribe his first letter to General Scott, August 24, three days after he was put in command:-- headquarters
's statements, 701; division of colored troops, 896. Hitchcock, General, commissioner of exchange, 589. Hoar, Hon., Ebenezer Rockwood, Butler's opponent in the Lowell district, 925; defeated, 926; reference to, 976. Hoffman House, N. Y., Butler's headquarters at, 756. Hoke, division of, 704; reference to, 795; at Fort Fisher, 796. Holabird, Col. S. B., in garrison, 532. Holmes, Oliver Wendell, dinner to Butler, 566. Holmes, Professor, at Waterville College, 59. Hamilton, Alexander, 86. Hamilton Corporation, notice served by, 99; calling meeting, action on notice of, 100. Homans, Charles E., locomotive, 202. Hotel Chamberlain, Washington, Mahone's letter to Lacy written at, 881. Hood, General, reference to, 655; and Batte's battalions of Virginia militia, 679. Hopping, Nicholas, teacher, anecdote of, 56. Howard, Gen. O. O., graduate of West Point, 58. Howe, Elias, reference to, 1007. Hudson Bay Company, 1001. Hudson, Chaplain, attacks Butl
Hagerstown, Md., flag raising at, D. 47; Federal forces at, D. 107 Haggerty, Peter, Capt., D. 76 Haldeman, —, minister, D. 85 Hall, —, Judge, charge to the grand jury at Rochester, D. 84 Hallett, B. F. D. 49 Hamilton, Alexander, Int. 18 Hamilton, Lieut.---, commander of the rebel steam-tug Aid, D. 13 Hamlin, Hannibal, a free negro, P. 10; vice-president of the U. S., D. 17; speech at New York, Doc. 163 Hammond, James H., candidate for vice-presidenHamilton, Lieut.---, commander of the rebel steam-tug Aid, D. 13 Hamlin, Hannibal, a free negro, P. 10; vice-president of the U. S., D. 17; speech at New York, Doc. 163 Hammond, James H., candidate for vice-president of Southern confederacy D. 14 Hammond, Thomas S., rebel D. 8<*> Hampton Roads, Va., blockaded, D. 53 Hampton, Va., rebels attempt to destroy the bridge at, D. 78; Colonel Duryea's proclamation to the people of, Doc. 296 Hardy, A. H., Commssioner from Miss. to Maryland, Doc. 1 Hardee, Colonel, P. 9; his Tactics not literary, P. 111 Harney, —, Gen., arrested, D. 44; released by the rebels, D. 51; his loyalty, D. 5; his proclamation, D. 68; notices of, D. 67, <
considered in the proper place. New York, the eleventh state to signify her assent, did so on July 26, 1788, after an arduous and protracted discussion, and then by a majority of but three votes—30 to 27. Even this small majority was secured only by the recommendation of certain material amendments, the adoption of which by the other states it was at first proposed to make a condition precedent to the validity of the ratification. This idea was abandoned after a correspondence between Hamilton and Madison, and, instead of conditional ratification, New York provided for the resumption of her grants; the amendments were put forth with a circular letter to the other states, in which it was declared that nothing but the fullest confidence of obtaining a revision of the objectionable features of the Constitution, and an invincible reluctance to separating from our sister States, could have prevailed upon a sufficient number to ratify it without stipulating for previous amendments.
ped and believed they all would enter into such a compact. If they would not, he would be ready to join with any States that would. But, as the compact was to be voluntary, it is in vain for the Eastern States to insist on what the Southern States will never agree to. Madison Papers, pp. 1081, 1082. Madison, while inclining to a strong government, said: In the case of a union of people under one Constitution, the nature of the pact has always been understood, etc. Ibid., p. 1184. Hamilton, in the Federalist, repeatedly speaks of the new government as a confederate republic and a confederacy, and calls the Constitution a compact. See especially Nos. IX and LXXXV. General Washington—who was not only the first President under the new Constitution, but who had presided over the convention that drew it up—in letters written soon after the adjournment of that body to friends in various states, referred to the Constitution as a compact or treaty, and repeatedly uses the ter
ple, who were to establish the Constitution, were the people of thirteen sovereignties. Elliott's Debates, Vol. III, p. 114, edition of 1836. In the Federalist he repeatedly employs the term—as, for example, when he says: Do they [the fundamental principles of the Confederation] require that, in the establishment of the Constitution, the States should be regarded as distinct and independent sovereigns? They are so regarded by the Constitution proposed. Federalist, No. Xl. Alexander Hamilton—another contemporary authority, no less illustrious—says, in the Federalist: It is inherent in the nature of sovereignty, not to be amenable to the suit of an individual without its consent. This is the general sense and the general practice of mankind; and the exemption, as one of the attributes of sovereignty, is now enjoyed by the government of every State in the Union. Ibid., No. Lxxxi. In the same paragraph he uses these terms, sovereign and sovereignty, repeatedly—alw
marily with reference to these that the provision was inserted, and not in the expectation of future conflicts or discrepancies. It is in this light alone that Madison considers it in explaining and vindicating it in the Federalist. Federalist, No. Xliv. 2. Again, it is to be observed that the supremacy accorded to the general laws of the United States is expressly limited to those enacted in conformity with the Constitution, or, to use the exact language, made in pursuance thereof. Hamilton, in another chapter of the Federalist, calls particular attention to this, saying (and the italics are all his own) that the laws of the Confederacy, as to the enumerated and legitimate objects of its jurisdiction, will become the supreme law of the land, and that the state functionaries will cooperate in their observance and enforcement with the general government, as far as its just and constitutional authority extends. Federalist, No. Xxvii. 3. In the third place, it is not the go
ntion of 1787, and their fate further testimony Hamilton, Madison, Washington, Marshall, etc. later theorias it did, such admitted friends of centralism as Hamilton, King, Wilson, Randolph, Pinckney, and others—therrters of the principles which had prevailed. Thus Hamilton, who had favored the plan of a President and Senat description of a confederate republic, a term he (Hamilton) repeatedly employs. In the eighty-first number extract is very significant, clearly showing that Hamilton assumed as undisputed propositions, in the first porced and unwarrantable. In a subsequent number Hamilton, replying to the objection that the Constitution ication of the principles laid down in this work? Hamilton declares, in effect, that the grants to the federa it was desirable to organize, similar to those of Hamilton, though more moderate in extent. He too, however, additional citation from them. The evidence of Hamilton and Madison—two of the most eminent of the authors
ession repudiation of it by the Constitution and the fathers of the Constitutional era difference between Webster and Hamilton. The alternative to secession is coercion. That is to say, if no such right as that of secession exists—if it is forld involve the good and bad, the innocent and guilty, in the same calamity. Elliott's Debates, Vol. II, p. 199. Hamilton, in the convention of New York, said: To coerce the States is one of the maddest projects that was ever devised. . . . WDebates, Vol. III, p. 117. We have seen already how vehemently the idea of even judicial coercion was repudiated by Hamilton, Marshall, and others. The suggestion of military coercion was uniformly treated, as in the above extracts, with still fore the invention in 1877 of an electoral commission to relieve Congress of its constitutional duty to count the vote. Hamilton, on the contrary, fresh from the work of forming the Constitution, and familiar with its principles and purposes, said: