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George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 4, 15th edition. 44 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition. 28 0 Browse Search
George P. Rowell and Company's American Newspaper Directory, containing accurate lists of all the newspapers and periodicals published in the United States and territories, and the dominion of Canada, and British Colonies of North America., together with a description of the towns and cities in which they are published. (ed. George P. Rowell and company) 4 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 2 3 1 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: September 7, 1863., [Electronic resource] 3 3 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 2 0 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 2 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: May 16, 1864., [Electronic resource] 2 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: August 6, 1864., [Electronic resource] 2 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition.. You can also browse the collection for Hardwicke or search for Hardwicke in all documents.

Your search returned 14 results in 5 document sections:

est German poets, who was ready to praise merit wherever found, they were but demi-men, who, in perfectly serious stupidity, thought themselves beings of a higher nature than we. Klopstock: Firstenlob. Halbmenschen, die sich, in vollem, dummen Ernst fur hohere Wesen halten als uns. But their pride was a pride which licked the dust, for almost all of them chap. I.} 1763. were venal and pensionary. The authority is an English Lord Chancellor, speaking his mind to an English Duke. Hardwicke to Newcastle, 10th Sept., 1751; in Coxe's Pelham Administration, II. 410. Almost all the princes of Europe are become venal and pensionary. The United Provinces of the Netherlands, the forerunner of nations in religious tolerance, were, from the origin of their confederacy, the natural friends of intellectual freedom. Here thought ranged through the wide domain of speculative reason. Here the literary fugitive found an asylum, and the boldest writings, which in other countries circul
he Council. It is impossible for me, said Hardwicke, at an interview on the first day of August,, whilst all my friends are out of court. Hardwicke to his son, 5 August, 1763, in Harris, 370. position party. A king of England, answered Hardwicke, at the head of a popular government, especio it. Grenville's Diary, in Papers, 191. Hardwicke, in Harris, Grenville III. 372. Walpole, in's Letter, in the Chatham Correspondence; to Hardwicke, in Hardwicke to Royston, Harris III. 377, 3Hardwicke to Royston, Harris III. 377, 380; to the House of Commons, in Walpole, i. 318, 319, and in several contemporary letters, containio from his own account of it, as reported by Hardwicke. Bute, in his interview, wished at first tomoned Newcastle, Devonshire, Rockingham, and Hardwicke Hardwicke in Harris, III. 379. to come toHardwicke in Harris, III. 379. to come to London as his council. From his own point of view, there was no unreasonableness W. Gerard Honor is concerned, and I must support it. Hardwicke in Harris. A government formed out of the mi
d under him of the brigadiers general commanding in the northern and southern departments, in all military matters, should be supreme, and be obeyed by the troops as such in all the civil governments of America. In the absence, and only in the absence, of the general and of the brigadiers, the civil governor might give the word. And these instructions, which concentrated undefined power in the hands of the Commander-in-Chief, rested, as was pretended, on the words of the commission which Hardwicke had prepared for governing the troops in time of war. Such was the sad condition of America: the king, chap. XI.} 1765. Feb. the ministry, the crown officers in the colony, all conspiring against her liberties, while she was overflowing with affection for the parent country. There was no help unless from parliament. For centuries that body had shone on the world as the star of freedom. Was it weary of its honors and willing to abdicate its guardianship of human liberty? At a few
way, 6 Dec. and he urged for it deliberation, candor, and temper. He was highly provoked Conway to Gage, 15 Dec. by the riots in New-York; and the surrender of the stamps to the municipality of the city seemed to him greatly humiliating. He watched with extreme anxiety the preliminary meeting of the friends of the ministry; and when the day for opening parliament came, he was impatient to receive a minute report of all that should occur. Geo. III. to Conway, 7 Dec. The Earl of Hardwicke, Hugh Hammersley to Lieut. Gov. Sharpe, Dec. 1765, gives a very good report of the debate. Compare Philimore's Lyttelton, II. 687. himself opposed to the lenity of Rockingham, Albemarle, i. 284. moved the address in the House of Lords, pledging the House to bring to the consideration of the state of affairs in America, a resolution to do every thing which the exigency of the case might require. The Earl of Suffolk, a young man of five-and-twenty, proposed to express indignation at
and he could not sit at the council board together. But no sooner had Pitt consented to renounce his connection with Temple, and unite with the ministry, than Rockingham interposed objections, alike of a personal nature, and of principle. The speechless prime minister, having tasted the dignity of chief, did not wish to be transposed; and the principle of giving up all right of taxation over the colonies, on which the union was to have rested, had implacable opponents in the family of Hardwicke, and in the person of his own private secretary. If ever one man lived more zealous than another for the supremacy of parliament, and the rights of the imperial crown, it was chap. XXI.} 1766. Jan. Edmund Burke. He was the advocate of an unlimited legislative power over the colonies. He saw not how the power of taxation could be given up, without giving up the rest. If Pitt was able to see it, Pitt saw further than he could. His wishes were very earnest to keep the whole body of thi