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Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 38 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 31 1 Browse Search
John Jay Chapman, William Lloyd Garrison 18 2 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 1 8 2 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 2 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 8 0 Browse Search
Brigadier-General Ellison Capers, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 5, South Carolina (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 7 1 Browse Search
George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard) 6 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 2. 6 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 4 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Henry Walcott Boynton, Reader's History of American Literature 2 0 Browse Search
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Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 2., Chapter 8: the siege and capture of Fort Donelson. (search)
Foote, of Connecticut, whose resolution concerning the public lands occasioned the famous debate in the Senate of the United States between Daniel Webster and Robert Y. Hayne.), who were everr eady to fight or pray, as circumstances might require, he went into the pulpit of the Presbyterian church at Cairo, on the Sunday after the center commanded by Colonel Hieman. The troops employed for this purpose were Illinois regiments — the Seventeenth, Major Smith, commanding; the Forty-eighth, Colonel Hayne; and the Forty-ninth, Colonel Morrison--covered by McAllister's battery. They were placed under Hayne, who was the senior colonel. Dashing across the interveHayne, who was the senior colonel. Dashing across the intervening knolls and ravines, and up toward the battery, with great spirit, they found themselves confronted by superior numbers. Their line not being long enough to envelope the works, the Forty-fifth Illinois, Colonel Smith, were sent to their support on the right. They, too, displayed great courage in the face of a galling fire. T
VIII. State rights—Nullification. Nullification Hayne Webster Jackson Calhoun Georgia and the Indiana. So e on Foot's resolutions, January 26, 1830. in replying to Mr. Hayne of South Carolina on this subject, forcibly said: It appeal to the interference of the State Governments. Mr. Hayne here rose and said: He did not contend for the mere rightian State-Rights School; he was understood to side with Colonel Hayne at the time of his great debate on Nullification with M8. The doctrines therein affirmed were those propounded by Hayne and refuted by Webster in the great debate already noticed.cautious, conservative, conciliatory — replying to one of Mr. Hayne's eloquent and highwrought portrayals of the miserable stg majority, elected Mr. Webster's luckless antagonist, Robert Y. Hayne, Governor of the State; and the Governor, in his Messa and was chosen to the Senate to fill the seat vacated by Mr. Hayne's acceptance of the governorship. Leaving his State foam
ing even the eminent and hitherto moderate and loyal Tennessean whom it had deliberately presented as an embodiment of its principles by nominating him for the Presidency. That party was mainly composed of admiring disciples of Clay and Webster, who had sternly resisted Nullification on grounds of principle, and had united in the enthusiastic acclaim which had hailed Webster as the triumphant champion of our Nationality, the great expounder of the Constitution, in his forensic struggle with Hayne. It had proudly pointed to such men as William Gaston, of North Carolina, Sergeant S. Prentiss, of Mississippi, Edward Bates, of Missouri, George W. Summers, of Virginia, John J. Crittenden, of Kentucky, and James L. Petigru, of South Carolina, as the exponents of its principles, the jewels of its crown. It had nominated and supported Bell and Everett on a platform which meaningly proclaimed fidelity to The Union, the Constitution, and the Enforcement of the Laws, as its distinctive ground
expedient to put this great question before the world upon this simple matter of wrongs — on the question of Slavery; and that question turned upon the Fugitive Slave Law. Now, in regard to the Fugitive Slave Law, I myself doubted its constitutionality, and doubted it on the floor of the Senate, when I was a member of that body. The States, acting in their sovereign capacity, should be responsible for the rendition of fugitive slaves. That was our best security. It was, on motion of Mr. Hayne, resolved that a Commissioner be sent to each Slave State, with a copy of the Secession Ordinance, with a view to hasten cooperation on the part of those States; also, that three Commissioners be sent to Washington, with a copy of the same, to be laid before the President, to treat for the delivery of the United States property in South Carolina over to the State, on the subject of the Public Debt, etc. The Ordinance of Secession was reported from a Committee of seven on the fourth day
nion, aided by two successive and besotted Federal Administrations. But, unfortunately, the pending issue is to be decided irrespective of its merits. The election of Mr. Lincoln is the pretext for, and not the cause of, Disunion. The design originated with Mr. Calhoun; who, when he failed to be chosen President of the whole Union, formed the scheme of dividing it, and devoted the remainder of his life in training the South up to the treason now impending. Mr. Calhoun had, in McDuffie, Hayne, and other statesmen, eloquent auxiliaries. The contagion extended to other Southern States; and, by diligence, activity, discipline, and organization, the whole people of the Gulf States have come to sympathize with their leaders. The masses are, in their readiness for civil war, in advance of their leaders. They have been educated to believe us their enemies. This has been effected by systematic misrepresentations of the sentiments and feelings of the North. The result of all this is,
on of any State to the Fugitive Slave law, for example, could absolve him from the duty of enforcing that law. This is the President's duty in the premises, and the whole of it,--to take care that the laws be faithfully executed. Federal Constitution, Art. II., § 3. The Constitution and laws being, by express provision, the supreme law of the land; * * * anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding, Ibid. Art. VI., § 2. See also Webster's Reply to Hayne, pages 86-8. the real question was not--Has the Constitution delegated to Congress the power to coerce a State? but Has any State a reserved, inherent power to coerce the Union into acquiescence in the overthrow of the Federal Constitution, the subversion of the laws, and the destruction of our Nationality? The President is bound to know no legitimate power within the Union acting in hostility to the Constitution and laws he has solemnly sworn to uphold and enforce. Whoever and whatever s
rdered Lieut. Slemmer, likewise, to surrender Forts Pickens and McRae; but the intrepid subordinate defied the order, and, withdrawing his small force from Fort McRae to the stronger and less accessible Fort Pickens, announced his determination to hold out to the last. He was soon after besieged therein by a formidable volunteer force; and a dispatch from Pensacola announced that Fort McRae is being occupied and the guns manned by the allied forces of Florida, Alabama, and Mississippi. Col. Hayne, as agent of Gov. Pickens, reached Washington on the 12th; and on the 16th demanded the surrender of Fort Sumter, as essential to a good understanding between the two nations of South Carolina and the United States. The Legislature of the former had, on the 14th, formally resolved, that any attempt by the Federal Government to reenforce Fort Sumter will be regarded as an act of open hostility, and a declaration of war. The revenue cutter Cass, stationed at Mobile, was turned over by Ca
ns, Col., (Union,) 600. Hawkins, Jn., the first English slave-trader, 28. Hayne, Col., sent to W. by Gov. Pickens, 412. Hayne, Robert Y., 86; 93. HazelhuHayne, Robert Y., 86; 93. Hazelhurst, Isaac, speech at the Philadelphia Peace meeting. 366. Hazlitt, with Brown, 298; is executed, 199. Heintzelman, Gen. S. P., wounded at Bull Run, 545; officd at Leavenworth, 245. Pickens, Gov. Francis W., Of S. C., 347; 410; sends Col. Hayne to Washington, 412; confers with Col. Lamon, 442. Pierce, Franklin, of N. s occupied by State troops, 409; 410; sends Commissioners to Washington, 411; Col. Hayne sent, 412. See Charleston, Fort Sumter, etc. Spain, her traffic in slaves6. Washington City, 407 ; frauds of Floyd and Baily at, 410-11; arrival of Col. Hayne at, 412; inauguration of President Lincoln at, 421-2; the dark days at, 470. Wayne, Judge, of Ga., on Dred Scott, 259. Webster, Daniel, 78; his reply to Hayne, 86-7; 101; speech at Niblo's Garden, 152 to 154; 155; 192; 202; speech at Abin
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Foote, Samuel Augustus 1780-1846 (search)
engaged in mercantile business in New Haven; was for several years a member of the State legislature; was a Representative in Congress in 1819-21, 1823-25, and 1833-34; and was United States Senator in 1827-33. He resigned his seat in Congress in his last term on being elected governor of Connecticut. In 1844 he was a Presidential elector on the Clay and Frelinghuysen ticket. In 1829 he introduced a resolution in the Senate which was the occasion of the great debate between Robert Young Hayne, of South Carolina, and Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts. The resolution, which seemed a simple affair to elicit such a notable debate, was as follows: Resolved, that the committee on public lands be instructed to inquire and report the quantity of the public lands remaining unsold within each State and Territory, and whether it be expedient to limit, for a certain period, the sales of the public lands to such lands only as have heretofore been offered for sale, and are now subject to en
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Gales, Joseph -1860 (search)
Gales, Joseph -1860 Journalist; born near Sheffield, England, April 10, 1786. His father emigrated to the United States in 1793, and established the Independent Gazetteer in Philadelphia, and in 1799 removed to Raleigh. N. C., where he established the Register. Joseph became a printer, and subsequently a partner of Samuel Harrison Smith, publisher of the National Intelligencer, in Washington, D. C., the successor of the Independent Gazetteer. In connection with William Winston Seaton he made the Intelligencer a daily newspaper. Both partners were efficient reporters, and to their interest and foresight is due the preservation of many important speeches, notably those of Webster and Hayne. Gales died in Washington, D. C., July 21, 1860.
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