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Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 1. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), The treatment of prisoners during the war between the States. (search)
rles-town next day where dinner was again given us — a very good one, too. The Yankee officers took us to their mess, and treated us very courteously. That evening the Colonel commanding took us to Harper's Ferry. As we were starting, Captain Bailey very kindly gave us some tobacco, remarking, You will find some difficulty in getting such things on the way. The Colonel left us at the Ferry, and we found ourselves in the hands of a different set of men. We were put in the John Brown engine House, where. were already some twenty-five or thirty prisoners. There were no beds, no seats, and the floor and walls were alive with lice. Before being sent to this hole, we were stripped and searched. We stayed here about thirty-six hours, were then sent on to Wheeling, where we were put in a place neither so small nor so lousy as the one we had left, but the company was even less to our taste than lice, viz: Yankee convicts. We remained here two or three days, and then were taken to Camp C
om Texas, but rather to express my gratitude to that gentleman for presenting those resolutions. I trust, however, that I may be indulged in the request that this House will unanimously adopt the resolutions, and bear their testimony of regard to the memory of that great and good man. Until our recent reverses at Forts Donelson ano him, while he had an army too small to advance, and almost too small to hazard a retreat. But, Mr. Speaker, I am happy to witness already demonstrations in this House which mark the unanimity with which the resolutions will be adopted — the unanimity with which this House, here in the Capitol, will offer a nation's gratitude as nd now, as they have in the dread hour of sanguinary conflict laid down their lives, and thus borne the highest evidences of devotion to their country, I hope this House will unanimously adopt the resolutions, and pay that high mark of respect to those gallant soldiers who so nobly fell in defense of their country. After the co
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: The Opening Battles. Volume 1., The Confederate Government at Montgomery. (search)
for the settlement of all questions of disagreement between the two governments, was appointed and confirmed. The commissioners were A. B. Roman, of Louisiana, Martin J. Crawford, of Georgia, and John Forsyth, of Alabama. An act of February 26th provided for the repeal of all laws which forbade the employment in the coasting trade of vessels not enrolled or licensed, and all laws imposing discriminating duties on foreign vessels or goods imported in them. This Provisional Congress of one House held four sessions, as follows: I. February 4th-March 16th, 1861; II. April 29th May 22d, 1861; III. July 20th-August 22d, 1861; IV. November 18th, 1861-February 17th, 1862; the first and second of these at Montgomery, the third and fourth at Richmond, whither the Executive Department was removed late in May, 1861,--because of the hostile demonstrations of the United States Government against Virginia, as Mr. Davis says in his Rise and fall of the Confederate Government.--editors. In the
y, make them the noblest people of the earth. The sword has been sheathed between the North and the South; the banners of the Blue and of the Gray have been furled; the dead of the conflict have sacred sepulchre; flowers bloom for the now peaceful warriors as they sleep side by side in their mingled dust; monuments dot the hillsides and plains where the battle once raged, telling of the matchless heroism of American soldiers. Federal and Confederate chieftains sit in the same Senate and House as national lawmakers; in the same cabinet of Presidential advisers, and heroes of both armies represent the reunited Republic in foreign lands. Peace has spread her silver wings over the desolation and bereavements of the terrible conflict, and Liberty and Law are the declared attributes of free government for all classes, conditions and races amongst us. Of such a country and such a people the truth of history must be the grandest eulogy, and The annals of the War will be the most welcome
Chapter 8: New Orleans, the Crescent city. Location and commercial importance old methods of business relations of planter and factor a typical brokerage House secure reliance on European recognition and the kingship of cotton yellow Jack and his treatment French town and American hotels of the day home society and the Heathen social Customs Creole women's taste Cuffee and cant early regiments and crack companies judges of wine a champion diner. At a first glimpse, New Orleans of those days was anything but a picturesque city. Built upon marshy flats, below the level of the river and protected from inundation by the Levee, her antique and weathered houses seemed to cower and cluster together as though in fear. But for a long time, The Crescent city had been at the head of commercial importance-and the desideratum of direct trade had been more nearly filled by her enterprising merchants than all others in the South. The very great majority of the wealthy
J. B. Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary, chapter 48 (search)
sterday a bill abolishing the Bureau of Conscription in name-nothing more, if I understand it. The bill was manipulated by Judge Campbell, who has really directed the operations of the bureau from the beginning. The negro bill also passed one House, and will pass the other to-day. Also a bill (in one House) abolishing provost marshals, except in camps of the army. These measures may come too late. The enemy is inclosing us on all sides with great vigor and rapidity. A victory by BHouse) abolishing provost marshals, except in camps of the army. These measures may come too late. The enemy is inclosing us on all sides with great vigor and rapidity. A victory by Beauregard would lift up the hearts of the people, now prone in the dust. Mr. D. H. London (on the street) is smiling this morning. He says there is no doubt but that we shall be speedily recognized by France, and that Gen. Lee has gone South to checkmate Sherman. I fear some one has been deceiving Mr. London, knowing how eager he is for a few grains of comfort. He is a rich man. A dispatch was sent from the department to Gen. Lee this morning, at his headquarters, supposed to be near
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Third joint debate, at Jonesboro, September 15, 1858. (search)
rritories of the United States? 2d. Will you vote for and support a bill abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia? 3d. Will you oppose the admission of any slave States which may be formed out of Texas or the Territories? 4th. Will you vote for and advocate the repeal of the Fugitive Slave law passed at the recent session of Congress? 5th. Will you advocate and vote for the election of a Speaker of the House of Representatives who shall be willing to organize the committee of that House so as to give the free States their just influence in the business of legislation? 6th. What are your views, not only as to the constitutional right of Congress to prohibit the slave-trade between the States, but also as to the expediency of exercising that right immediately? Campbell's reply. To the first and second interrogatories, I answer unequivocally in the affirmative. To the third interrogatory I reply, that I am opposed to the admission of any more slave States into the
Mrs. John A. Logan, Reminiscences of a Soldier's Wife: An Autobiography, Chapter 15: (search)
that time to lend their aid to the general's first election, we found their places had been taken by others who were equally enthusiastic and energetic in their daily efforts in my husband's behalf. The legislature being strongly Republican, it was not long in organizing and settling down to business, the most important object being the election of the United States senator. The caucuses of both parties were held soon after the organization, and nominations were made for the officers of House and Senate. Naturally, General Logan had opposition, as, of course, it was impossible for any man to please everybody. The Chicago Tribune and Times fought him as usual. The Times because it was a Democratic paper, and the Tribune on the ground of free trade. Upright, patriotic men all over the State had arisen en masse to put down the men who had created so much trouble in the legislature in 1877. Senator David Davis was most enthusiastic in his support of General Logan, though he had h
Mrs. John A. Logan, Reminiscences of a Soldier's Wife: An Autobiography, Chapter 16: (search)
on the site now occupied by the imposing building of the Union Trust Company. This high-class hotel was conducted by Mr. Wormley, a colored man, who was then the leading caterer of the city of Washington. The cabinet, the Supreme Court, Senate, House, army, and navy were well represented. The supper-table was a thing of beauty, laid with the finest Dresden china. Low mounds of roses enhanced the brilliant effect of the china and cut glass. The different favorite dishes of the French and Gees G. Blaine before the two houses of Congress and the high officials of the Government. The Garfield memorial meeting was held in the House of Representatives on February 27, 1882. Among those present beside the members of the cabinet, Senate, House, etc., were Generals Sherman, Sheridan, and Hancock, Admiral Porter, Rear-Admiral Worden, Frederick Douglass, General Schenck, and the historian George Bancroft, who himself had been the orator on the occasion of the Lincoln memorial meeting. Co
John G. Nicolay, The Outbreak of Rebellion, Chapter 1: secession. (search)
ve but little doubt, with a view to a more certain reformation of the Union. The heresy of supreme State allegiance was, however, the final and all-conquering engine of treason. Mr. Stephens himself, in his memorable speech in defence of the Union, is the striking illustration of Gulliver helpless in the cobwebs of Lilliput. To secede, he declared, was to break the Constitution. Good faith required the South to abide the election in peace. Lincoln could do her no harm against an adverse House and Senate. He adjured them not to rashly try the experiment of change; for liberty, once lost, might never be restored. These were words of sober wisdom, and, fearlessly adhered to by a few firm men, they might have paralyzed the revolt. Yet in the same speech he declared that, if Georgia seceded, he should bow to the will of her people --in other words, break the Constitution, break faith, and lose liberty. On this easy descent Georgia slid to her ruin. Under such examples the conven
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