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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 212 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 64 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 7, 4th edition. 44 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4 36 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 2 22 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 22 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 16 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 12 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 30. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 12 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 12 0 Browse Search
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Francis B. Carpenter, Six Months at the White House, Xv. (search)
ays since. A day or two after the battle of Chickamauga, the little fellow came into camp. The General rode during the battle a horse which went by the name of John Jay, a great favorite with his son. Manifesting his delight upon again seeing his father, by covering him with caresses, the child at length said, Papa, where is JohJohn Jay? Oh, said his father, your horse behaved very badly during the fight; he insisted, very cowardly, upon taking me to the rear. The little fellow's eyes sparkled. Papa, said he, I know John Jay would never have done that of his own will. It must have been your work. Montgomery Blair told me that when the convention whiJohn Jay would never have done that of his own will. It must have been your work. Montgomery Blair told me that when the convention which nominated Mr. Lincoln met at Chicago, there was a hideous painting in the hall which was brought forward subsequently as a likeness of the nominee. Most of the delegates having never seen the original, the effect upon them was indescribable. I replied to Mr. Blair that my friend Brady, the photographer, insisted that his phot
pay my respects to the King of Belgium, which I did, accompanied by our Minister, Mr. Russell Jones. Later I dined with the King and Queen. meeting at the dinner many notable people, among them the Count and Countess of Flanders. A day or two in Brussels sufficed to mature our plans for spending the time up to the approximate date of our return to Paris; and deciding to visit eastern Europe, we made Vienna our first objective, going there by way of Dresden. At Vienna our Minister, Mr. John Jay, took charge of us-Forsyth was still with me-and the few days' sojourn was full of interest. The Emperor being absent from the capital, we missed seeing him; but the Prime Minister, Count von Beust, was very polite to his, and at his house we had the pleasure of meeting at dinner Count Andrassy, the Prime Minister of Hungary. From Vienna we went to Buda-Pesth, the Hungarian capital; and thence, in a small, crowded, and uncomfortable steamboat, down the Danube to Rustchuck, whence we
--N. Y. Commercial, May 1. A meeting of the citizens of the Seventeenth Ward, N. Y., was held, to take action in behalf of the families of volunteers from that district. B. R. Winthrop occupied the chair. Resolutions were adopted, and speeches were made by F. A. Conkling, Chauncey Schaeffer, John Cochrane and others.--N. Y. Tribune, April 27. A Union meeting at Bedford, Westchester county, N. Y., this afternoon, on the occasion of raising the flag, was addressed by Senator Hall, John Jay, Rev. M. Bogg, of the Episcopal Church, Rev. Mr. Ferris, Dr. Woodcock, Dr. Shores, Mr. Hart, Captain of the Bedford company, Mr. Brown, of the Croton Falls Company, and others.--N. Y. Times, April 27. John W. Ellis, governor of North Carolina, issued a proclamation calling an extra session of the General Assembly of the State, and deprecating the proclamation of President Lincoln asking for troops.--(Doc. 103.) The bridges over Gunpowder River on the Philadelphia, Wilmington and B
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 2: preliminary rebellious movements. (search)
the many whose personal consequence in the line of State politics will, in a manner, be annihilated, form a strong phalanx against it. --Letter of Washington to John Jay, March 10, 1787, on proposed changes in the fundamental laws of the land.--Life of Jay, i. 259. See also, Two Lectures on the Constitution of the United StateJay, i. 259. See also, Two Lectures on the Constitution of the United States, by Francis Lieber, Ll. D. It defines, with proximate accuracy, the character of the Government under the old Confederation, which existed for eight or ten years before the National Constitution became the supreme law of the land; but it is clearly erroneous as applied to the Government which was founded on that Constitution in 1s wishes, they were in the habit of speaking of the dissolution of the Union as their remedy for the provocation. They threatened to dissolve the Union in 1795, if Jay's Treaty with Great Britain should be ratified by the United States Senate; and the famous Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions of 1798, in which the doctrine of State
3,417     Total 40,370 Total 657,527 The documents and correspondence of the Revolution are full of complaints by Southern slaveholders of their helplessness and peril, because of Slavery, and of the necessity thereby created of their more efficient defense and protection. Henry Laurens of South Carolina, two years President of the Continental Congress, appointed Minister to Holland, and captured on his way thither by a British cruiser, finally Commissioner with Franklin and Jay for negotiating peace with Great Britain, on the 14th of August, 1776, wrote from Charleston, S. C., to his son, then in England, a letter explaining and justifying his resolution to stand or fall with the cause of American Independence, in which he said: You know, my dear son, I abhor Slavery. I was born in a country where Slavery had been established by British kings and parliaments, as by the laws of that country, ages before my existence. I found the Christian religion and Slavery
unes, who sought to embroil us in the contest then devastating the Old World. Washington, and the Federal magnates who surrounded him, were inflexibly averse to this, and baffled all attempts to involve us in a foreign war. This very naturally offended the European refugees among us, who looked anxiously to this country for interference to reestablish them in power and prosperity in their own. Hence, they generally took the lead in reprobating and stigmatizing the negotiation and approval of Jay's treaty Signed November 19. 1794; ratified by Washington, August 14, 1795. with Great Britain, whereby our past differences and misunderstandings with that power were adjusted. They were in good part politicians and agitators by trade, instinctively hostile to a government so cold-blooded and unimpulsive as ours, and ardently desired a change. Regarding them as dangerous and implacable enemies to the established policy of non-intervention, and to those who upheld it, the Alien law assum
f like character, wherein Virginia and North Carolina were honorably conspicuous. Most of the States, accordingly, prohibited the Slave-Trade during or soon after the Revolution. Throughout the war for independence, the Rights of Man were proclaimed as the great objects of our struggle. General Gates, the hero of Saratoga, emancipated his slaves in 1780. The first recorded Abolition Society--that of Pennsylvania--was formed in 1774. The New York Manumission Society was founded in 1785: John Jay was its first President; Alexander Hamilton its second. Rhode Island followed in 1786; Maryland in 1789; Connecticut in 1790; Virginia in 1791; New Jersey in 1792. The discovery that such societies were at war with the Federal Constitution, or with the reciprocal duties of citizens of the several States, was not made till nearly forty years afterward. These Abolition Societies were largely composed of the most eminent as well as the worthiest citizens. Among them were, in Maryland, Samue
t thus sanctions, was unquestionably of all persons of the race of which we are now speaking. The Chief Justice proceeds to defy history and common sense by asserting that, in the days of the fathers, even emancipated blacks were identified in the public mind with the race to which they belonged, and regarded as a part of the slave population rather than the free. He is so kind as to tell the people of the Free States that the efforts of Wesley, and Edwards, and Hopkins, and Franklin, and Jay, and all the other eminent divines, patriots, and statesmen, who appealed to their consciences and their hearts against Slavery as unjust and cruel, had no existence, or, at least, no effect — that Slavery was abolished by our fathers, not at all because it was felt to be wrong, but because it was found to be unprofitable in this particular locality. On this point, he says: (It is very true that, in that portion of the Union where the labor of the negro race was found to be unsuited to t
ggle, and in the framing of our Federal Union, is the credit justly due of having originated and firmly upheld this policy, in defiance of popular passion, and under circumstances of great difficulty and embarrassment. But Jefferson, Madison, George Clinton, Gerry, and their associate founders of the Republican party, very generally yielded to this policy a tacit, if not positive and emphatic, approval. The mob of the seaboard cities, who shouted beneath the windows of Citizen Genet, burned Jay's treaty in the streets, and clamored violently for alliance with revolutionary France and war upon Tory England, were, of course, anti-Federal; and their voices and votes helped to strengthen the Republican opposition in Congress, and to swell the steadily-growing host that, in due time, ousted the Federalists from power, by electing Mr. Jefferson to the Presidency. But Mr. Jefferson himself never shared in the blind passions by which he so largely profited. An earnest and unchanging dev
R., commands Rebel forces at Monterey, Va., 524; 526. Jackson, Gen., ( Stonewall, ) falls back before Patterson's advance, 535. Jackson, Mr., of Mass., petitions for Abolition in the Federal District. 143. Jackson, the hotel-keeper at Alexandria, kills Ellsworth, and is himself slain, 533. Jackson; see Fort Jackson and camp Jackson. Jacobins, the, their demands of the U. S., 266. Jamison, Gen. D. F., of S. C., chosen President of the Secession Convention; his speech, 344. Jay, John, his Treaty with Great Britain, 83; President of the N. Y. Emancipation Society, 107; 255; his Treaty burnt in the streets, 265. Jefferson, Thomas, 18; citation from Notes on Virginia, 21; 33; extract from the original Declaration of Independence; his reasons for the omission of a certain passage, etc., 34; 35; presents Virginia's deed of cession, 38; his Ordinance of 1784, 39; 42; 53; instructions to Livingston, 55; his diplomacy with France and purchase of Louisiana, 55-6; recommen
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