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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 586 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 136 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 126 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 124 0 Browse Search
George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard) 65 1 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10 58 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 58 0 Browse Search
Bliss Perry, The American spirit in lierature: a chronicle of great interpreters 56 0 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 54 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8 44 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1. You can also browse the collection for Thomas Jefferson or search for Thomas Jefferson in all documents.

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Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 5 (search)
g out of their minds,--to trouble the waters, that there may be health in their flow. Every government is always growing corrupt. Every Secretary of State is, by the very necessity of his position, an apostate. [Hisses and cheers.] I mean what I say. He is an enemy to the people, of necessity, because the moment he joins the government, he gravitates against that popular agitation which is the life of a republic. A republic is nothing but a constant overflow of lava. The principles of Jefferson are not up to the principles of today. It was well said of Webster, that he knows well the Hancock and Adams of 1776, but he does not know the Hancocks and Adamses of to-day The republic which sinks to sleep, trusting to constitutions and machinery, to politicians and statesmen, for the safety of its liberties, never will have any. The people are to be waked to a new effort, just as the Church has to be regenerated, in each age. The antislavery agitation is a necessity of each age, to ke
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 11 (search)
rock underlies all America; it only crops out here. [Cheers.] It has cropped out a great many times in our history. You may recognize it always. Old Putnam stood upon it at Bunker Hill, when he said to the Yankee boys, Don't fire till you see the whites of their eyes. Ingraham had it for ballast when he put his little sloop between two Austrian frigates, and threatened to blow them out of the water, if they did not respect the broad eagle of the United States, in the case of Koszta. Jefferson had it for a writing-desk when he drafted the Declaration of Independence and the Statute of religious liberty for Virginia. Lovejoy rested his musket upon it when they would not let him print at Alton, and he said, Death or free speech! I recognized the clink of it to-day, when the apostle of the Higher law came to lay his garland of everlasting — none has better right than he-upon the monument of the Pilgrims. [Enthusiastic cheering.] He says he is not a descendant of the Pilgrims. T
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 16 (search)
Arnold selling West Point to the British! Such an appointment was the Parthian arrow of a traitor and a snob. Then we have Lincoln for President [applause],--a Whig,--a Revolutionary Whig,--a freedom-loving Whig, --a Whig in the sense that Jefferson, Hamilton, and Washington were Whigs. How much is that worth? I said we had passed the Rubicon. Caesar crossed the Rubicon, borne in the arms of a people trodden into poverty and chains by an oligarchy of slaveholders; but that oligarchy pro one will presume to say there can be a better President than Washington. Indeed, Mr. Seward asks in great contempt of any man who undertakes to improve the Constitution, Are you more just than Washington, wiser than Hamilton, more humane than Jefferson? Well, then, Washington, pursuing the very policy which Mr. Lincoln proposes to follow, launched the ship of state on seas white with the fervor of the Revolutionary love of liberty, and made shipwreck. Every administration grew worse than it
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 18 (search)
of the Union hitherto a fortunate accident. Orators floated into fame on one inspired phrase, irrepressible conflict. Jefferson died foreseeing that this was the rock on which we should split. Even Mr. Webster, speaking with bated breath, in the of an orthodox church,--either would answer [laughter],--pay your debts, and frighten your child to sleep by saying Thomas Jefferson. Our theological aristocracy went down before the stalwart blows of Baptist, Unitarian, and Freethinker,--before Chof our youth's idols, sending bankrupt statesmen to dishonored graves. We stand to-day just as Hancock and Adams and Jefferson stood when stamp-act and tea-tax, Patrick Henry's eloquence and the massacre of March 5th, Otis's blood and Bunker Hillnstrated, saw her own agent mobbed out of Charleston with her full consent. Before the Union existed, Washington and Jefferson uttered the boldest antislavery opinions; to-day they would be lynched in their own homes; and their sentiments have be
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 19 (search)
all bright; and if some sable clouds linger on the horizon, they have turned their silver linings almost wholly to our sight. Every man who possesses his soul in patience sees that disunion is gain, disunion is peace, disunion is virtue. Thomas Jefferson said: It is unfortunate that the efforts of mankind to recover the freedom of which they have been deprived should be accompanied with violence, with errors, and even with crime. But while we weep over the means, we must pray for the end. o see the black race controlling all that vast country, and our own white civilized race driven out, subjugated, or exterminated. Mine would be with the right. The Almighty has no attribute which can take sides with us in such a contest, says Jefferson, speaking of a struggle in which the black race is to go up, and his own, the white race, is to go down. Let me advise Mr. Dana to learn Christianity of this infidel, and Justice of this slaveholder. I feel bound to add my doubt whether a sla
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 21 (search)
y which government is bound to render a reason to the judiciary before it lays its hands upon a citizen, has been called the high-water mark of English liberty. Jefferson, in his calm moments, dreaded the power to suspend it in any emergency whatever, and wished to have it in eternal and unremitting force. The present Napoleon, iding with rapid strides, you say inevitably,--I do not deny it; necessarily,--I do not question it; we are tending toward that strong government which frightened Jefferson; toward that unlimited debt, that endless army. We have already those alien and sedition laws which, in 1798, wrecked the Federal party, and summoned the Democrustice. But I will cite an unquestionable precedent. It was a grave power, in 1807, in time of peace, when Congress abolished commerce; when, by the embargo of Jefferson, no ship could quit New York or Boston, and Congress set no limit to the prohibition. It annihilated commerce. New England asked, Is it constitutional? The Su
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 22 (search)
e, year by year, while this war lasts, 123,000 men to the army, and that number are to fall out of the ranks, according to the experience of the last sixteen months, by death either from disease or the sword; or, if not death, then wounds so serious as to make a man's life only a burden to himself and the community. A hundred and twenty-three thousand men a year, and, I suppose, a million of dollars a day, and a government without a purpose I! You say, Why not end the war? We cannot. Jefferson said of slavery, We have got the wolf by the ears; we can neither hold him nor let him go. Thai was his figure We have now got the South--this wolf -by the ears; we must hold her; we cannot let her go, There is to be no peace on this continent, as I believe. until these thirty States are united. You and I may live to be seventy years old; we shall never see peace on this continent until we see one flag from the Lakes to the Gulf, and we shall never see it until slavery is eliminated fr