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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 586 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 136 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 126 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 124 0 Browse Search
George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard) 65 1 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10 58 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 58 0 Browse Search
Bliss Perry, The American spirit in lierature: a chronicle of great interpreters 56 0 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 54 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8 44 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10. You can also browse the collection for Thomas Jefferson or search for Thomas Jefferson in all documents.

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his evidence till a treaty of compromise was ratified, and the map of Oswald was not produced till the British ministry that made the compromise had to defend it in parliament. It appears further that, late as was the participation of John Adams in the negotiation, he came in time to secure to New England its true boundary on the north-east. Adams and Franklin had always asked for the continuance of the accustomed share in the coast fisheries; and they were heartily supported by Jay, who had in congress steadily voted against making the demand. The requirement of the change in the form of Oswald's commission, so grateful to the self-respect of America, is due exclusively to Jay. It is good to look away from the strifes of the present hour, to the great days when our country had for its statesmen Washington and John Adams, Jefferson and Hamilton, Franklin and Jay, and their compeers. The study of those times will always teach lessons of moderation, and of unselfish patriotism.
ss depended on secrecy, the legislature could not be consulted; but a few trusty men-George Wythe, George Mason, and Thomas Jefferson —were taken to counsel, and the expedition was resolved upon. On the second of January, 1778, Clark 1778. received his instructions and twelve hundred pounds in paper money. On the next day Wythe, Mason, and Jefferson pledged their influence to secure a grant of three hundred acres of land to every man who should engage in the expedition. On the fourth Clark diverted, and thus the British gained time to re-enforce and fortify Detroit. Butler's History of Kentucky, 113. But Jefferson, then governor of Virginia, gave instructions to occupy a station on the Mississippi, between the mouth of the Ohio andof the Ohio, established 1780. Fort Jefferson as the watch on the father of rivers. Could the will of Charles the Third of Spain defeat the forethought of Jefferson? Could the intrigues of Florida Blanca stop the onward wave of the backwoodsmen
dering how useless and unavailing their labor is, unless the great wheel or spring which is to set the whole in motion is also well attended to and kept in good order. As it is a fact too notorious to be concealed, that congress is rent by party, no man who wishes well to the liberties of his country and desires to see its rights established can avoid crying out, Where are our men of abilities? Why do they not come forth to save their country? Let this voice, my dear sir, call upon you, Jefferson, and others. Do not, from a mistaken opinion, let our hitherto noble struggle end in ignominy. Believe me, when I tell you, there is danger of it. I shall be much mistaken if administration do not now, from the present state of our currency, dissensions, and other circumstances, push matters to the utmost extremity. Nothing will prevent it but the interposition of Spain, and their disappointed hope from Russia. Washington to George Mason, Middlebrook, 27 March, 1779. Copied by me from
of every twenty-five, to be drafted by fair and impartial lot. Hening, x. 82. The law defining citizenship will be elsewhere explained; the code in which Jefferson, Wythe, and Pendleton adapted the laws of Virginia to reason, the welfare of the whole people, and the republican form of government, was laid before the legisla inhabitants, it was not possible to introduce a thorough system of universal education. The preamble to the bill for establishing religious freedom, drawn by Jefferson, expressed the ideas of America: that belief depends not on will, but follows evidence; that God hath created the mind free; that temporal punishment or civil inpacities. And we do declare that the rights hereby asserted are of the natural rights of mankind. Randall's Jefferson, i. 219, 220. These enunciations of Jefferson on the freedom of conscience expressed the forming convictions of the people of the United States; the enactment was delayed that the great decree, which made th
ere also given to the corps of Major Lee. The May. movement of Kalb was slow for want of transportation. At Petersburg, in Virginia, he added to his command a regiment of artillery with twelve cannon. Of all the states, Virginia, of which Jefferson was Chap. XV.} 1780. then the governor, lay most exposed to invasion from the sea, and was in constant danger from the savages on the west; yet it was unmindful of its own perils. Its legislature met on the ninth of May. Within ten May 9. mress without elation; to Lincoln he wrote in modest and affectionate language. His first important act was the request to congress for the appointment of Morgan as a brigadier-general in the continental service, and in this he was supported by Jefferson and Rutledge. He enjoined on the corps of White and Washington, and on all remnants of continental troops in Virginia, to repair to the southern army with all possible diligence. Upon information received at Hillsborough from Huger of South
n, was sent with two hundred of the best troops to the uplands of South Carolina, where he enlisted young men of that country, loyalists who had fled to the mountains for security, and fugitives of the worst character who sought his standard for safety and the chances of plundering with impunity. The Cherokees had been encouraged during the summer to join insurgent loyalists in ravaging the American settlements west of the mountains as far as Chiswell's lead mines. Against this danger, Jefferson organized, in the south-western counties of the state of which he was the governor, a regiment of four hundred backwoodsmen under the command of Colonel William Campbell, brother-in-law of Patrick Henry; and in an interview with William Preston, the lieutenant of Washington county, as the southwest of Virginia was then called, he dwelt on the resources of the country, the spirit of congress, and the character of the people; and for himself and for his state would admit no doubt that, in sp
nd also how the denunciation of the slave-trade and of slavery by Jefferson in his draft of the declaration of independence was rejected by td by great majorities to give effect to the scheme. So long as Jefferson was in congress he kept Virginia and Massachusetts in a close andrty, Washington raised his voice and called upon George Mason and Jefferson to come forth to save their country. In 1779, when the prosperween the two. Many of her statesmen—George Mason, Patrick Henry, Jefferson, Wythe, Pendleton, Richard Henry Lee—emulated each other in theirended with the idea of their deportation. The statute drafted by Jefferson, and in 1779 proposed by 1779. Mason to define who shall be citild enlist for the war. In May, 1782, just thirteen years after Jefferson 1782. had brought in a bill giving power of unconditional emancicannot live in the same government. In bondage to these views, Jefferson was not competent to solve the problem; and so early as 1782, in
vested, the separate approval of every one of the thirteen states must be gained. The assent of Virginia was promptly given. That great commonwealth, having Jefferson for its governor, sought to promote peace and union. To advance the former, it even instructed its delegates in congress to surrender the right of navigating thnds north-west of the Ohio, on condition that the territories should be formed into distinct republican states, and be admitted members of the federal union; and Jefferson, who from the first had pledged himself to the measure, announced to congress the great act of his administration in a letter full of hope for the completion of te and not merely recommend. And now that the confederation was established, he addressed himself to the great statesmen of Virginia, to Pendleton, Wythe, and Jefferson, to give adequate powers to the representative body of the states, especially a control over refractory states, to compel their compliance with the requisitions
one of her delegates, being unanimous in his favor. Secret Journals, II. 437. But, on reflection and through French influence, it was wisely decided to strengthen the hands of the New England man by joint commissioners selected from other sections of the country. With the aid of Sullivan of New Hampshire, who was in the pay of France, instructions such as Vergennes eight t have drafted were first agreed upon; then on the ballot the choice fell upon Jay, Franklin, Henry Laurens, and Thomas Jefferson. Of these, the last was detained in America by the illness of his wife. Congress have done very well, wrote John Adams to Franklin, to join Chap. XXI.} 1781. others in the commission for peace, who have some faculties for it. My talent, if I have one, lies in making war. Dip. Cor., VI. 159. At the same time, he saw so wide a dissemination of the principles of the American revolution that, in his opinion, despotisms, monarchies, and aristocracies must conform to them in some degre
fs that small Chap. XXIII.} 1781. March 15. expeditions do not frighten that powerful province. Commis. Clinton, Cornwallis, 50. This display of the magnanimity of Virginia was due to its great advisers. Your state, wrote Washington to Jefferson, its governor, will experience more molestation in future; but the evils from these predatory incursions are not to be compared to the injury of the common cause. I am persuaded the attention to your immediate safety will not divert you from tcors from Virginia. And he gave orders to Steuben: Make the defence of the state as little as possible interfere with the measures for succoring General Greene. Everything is to be apprehended if he is not powerfully supported from Virginia. Jefferson made the advice of Washington his rule of conduct, though accused in his own state of doing too much for the Carolinas. On the third day after the battle, Greene wrote to Washington: Virginia has given me every support I could wish. Letters