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as they would be if in favor of secession to remain in the Union if the majority preferred to do so. But in the Conventions of the States which have seceded there can be no danger to the right of self-government. The States are not in the Federal Union and they assemble to form a compact for another Union. In the course of Mr. Hopkins' argument, of which the above is a mere outline, he said that the General Government was a mere creature of the Constitution — the federative agent.--Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison both believed in the right of secession. The doctrine had been maintained by the New England States in the Hartford Convention--the right of withdrawal, claimed by one State, entitled all to its use. The legislation of Congress was and had been offensive to the slave States. He cited violations of the Federal compact by the passage of Personal Liberty bills, &c., by non-slaveholding States; traced the rise and progress of the Black Republican party, and said that demago
on of the Union. The South only asks what are her constitutional rights.--If she can't get these, she prefers independence out of the Union. Mr. Stanton, of Ohio, responded, and said the principles on which the Government was founded could not be surrendered under any threats of civil war. He denied that the Republican organization would now or hereafter interfere in any way with slavery in the States. He asserted that Lincoln's administration would be conducted on the principles of Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, John Quincy Adams and Jackson. He was willing to amend the Constitution, so as to guard against any attempt to interfere with slavery in the States, except with the consent of all the States, and to admit New Mexico. Mr. Adrain, of Mich., followed in a conciliatory and strongly Union speech, declaring for concession and compromise, but against secession. Mr. Anderson, of Mo., vindicated the South, but disapproved of precipitation on the part of the border State