Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for Andrew Johnson or search for Andrew Johnson in all documents.

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
uri, Kentucky, and Tennessee. Among the Southern senators were Breckinridge, who was soon to join the rebellion, and Andrew Johnson, Sumner, July 24, in asking to have Johnson's resolution as to the objects of the war lie over, took occasion to eJohnson's resolution as to the objects of the war lie over, took occasion to express great respect for him. who stood almost alone among them as a Southern man of positive loyalty. The seceded States were not represented. Among Northern senators were Wilson of Massachusetts, Morrill and Fessenden of Maine, Hale of New Hampsceded States, made by the Secretary of War at the President's instance (those of Edward Stanly for North Carolina and Andrew Johnson for Tennessee), in the spring of 1862. Works, vol. VII. p. 112. The former took a position against schools for co be another division. Climate, too, will be for the present against us. The correspondence between General Butler and Mr. Johnson will show you that government puts no restraint upon the sale of cotton; it is the perverseness of the rebels that doe
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 46: qualities and habits as a senator.—1862. (search)
till remembered. Wilson was never so unhappy as when obliged to stay in his seat. Sumner's uniform observance of rules and courtesies in the Senate was referred to in tributes in Congress, April 27, 1874, by Pratt of Indiana in the Senate (Congressional Globe, p. 3403), and by E. R. Hoar in the House (Globe, p. 3410). He was accustomed to make protests against scandalous conduct in the Senate,—as Abbott's threat of a duel with a senator, and the drunkenness of Senator Saulsbury and Vice-President Johnson. he listened with respect to what his associates said in debate; Thurman said of him in his tribute, April 27, 1874 (Congressional Globe, p. 3400), He spoke often and elaborately himself; and he was the best, and perhaps the most courteous, listener among us to the speeches of others. his manners were uniformly decorous, as opponents in the worst of times admitted; and the stranger in the gallery looking down on the scene recognized in him the impersonation and ideal of a leader i
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
me know what occurs. I was on the point of going to New York for counsel, and to find privacy with you; but I abandoned the idea. The Republican national convention placed on the ticket with Mr. Lincoln, as candidate for Vice-President, Andrew Johnson of Tennessee. This nomination was assisted by some delegates from Massachusetts, who thought that a loyal Southern man would add more strength to the ticket than the present incumbent of the office, Mr. Hamlin. This was a reasonable view, although the history of the next four years proved the selection to have been an unfortunate one. In the change from Hamlin to Johnson, Sumner took no part whatever. While always ready for contests which concerned principles and policies, he had no taste for those which concerned only the individual or sectional claims of candidates. No urgency of persuasion would have moved him to leave his seat in the Senate in order to attend a national political convention. Sumner arrived at home, July
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
ssassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's o George S. Hillard's political course. President Johnson a few months later appointed Mr. Hillardl. The same day the Vice-President elect, Andrew Johnson, appeared in the Senate chamber to take hid also a day to be named by the President (Andrew Johnson) for commemorating the deceased. Works,ast power he held passed to his successor. Mr. Johnson was at the bedside of the dying President oeward's. He said that he must first stop at Mr. Johnson's. Here the general went in to tell the newed by those passions. On Sunday, the 16th (Andrew Johnson now being President), Stanton read his dra1872; Sumner's Works, vol. IX. p. 479. Mr. Johnson was, during the weeks following his accessilly with Mr. Dawes's view, and sustained President Johnson, June 12. Mr. Dawes had taken the same p troops in Tennessee become acquainted with Mr. Johnson, was at this time his apologist. New York [5 more...
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 55: Fessenden's death.—the public debt.—reduction of postage.— Mrs. Lincoln's pension.—end of reconstruction.—race discriminations in naturalization.—the Chinese.—the senator's record.—the Cuban Civil War.—annexation of San Domingo.—the treaties.—their use of the navy.—interview with the presedent.—opposition to the annexation; its defeat.—Mr. Fish.—removal of Motley.—lecture on Franco-Prussian War.—1869-1870. (search)
and also in close relations with the Administration, wrote to Sumner from the latter city, Feb. 22, 1870, a month before the matter came before the Senate— The President has evidently determined to stand by the Republican party and to strike down the Republican statesmen. The idea has got abroad here that he has marked you out for sacrifice, and it excites much feeling. I have in all cases discouraged it, because I cannot think the President madman enough to follow the example of Andrew Johnson. The President's active interest in the treaty was manifested in various ways. He sent two messages to the Senate (March 14 and May 31) concerning the extension of the time of ratification, in which he set forth the benefits of the annexation. But he did not content himself with official communications. He addressed himself personally to members of the committee. He held conferences at the Executive Mansion with senators whom he sent for. He went to the President's room at the Ca
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 56: San Domingo again.—the senator's first speech.—return of the angina pectoris.—Fish's insult in the Motley Papers.— the senator's removal from the foreign relations committee.—pretexts for the remioval.—second speech against the San Domingo scheme.—the treaty of Washington.—Sumner and Wilson against Butler for governor.—1870-1871. (search)
ution by which it was sought to subjugate Kansas to slavery. He likened the President's attempt to interfere with the committee on foreign relations to Buchanan's insistence on Douglas's removal in 1868 from the committee on territories in order to carry the Lecompton constitution, and he referred to the menace of personal assault filling the air. He called on Colfax, the Vice-President, to counsel the President to shun all approach to the example of Franklin Pierce, James Buchanan, and Andrew Johnson. At the end he insisted on the title of the colored race to the island,—theirs by right of possession, by their sweat and blood mingling with the soil, by tropical position, by its burning sun, and by unalterable laws of climate. The passages in the senator's speech which provoked criticism among Republicans were those in which a comparison was suggested between the President and his Democratic predecessors, and in which he was charged with menacing the independence of Hayti. He was
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
s hitherto Republican; he might, and probably would, have carried Massachusetts; but his name would not, as was to be expected, have found favor with Southern Democrats, whose undivided support was essential. New York Herald, Feb 3, 1872. Andrew Johnson signified his opposition to Sumner as a candidate (Chicago Tribune, Dec. 7, 1871). Though always friendly at heart to that section, he had seemed otherwise in his policy of reconstruction; and he was at the time pushing the civil equality of Aug. 28, 1871. is given.) Stanton's statement to Horace White may be found in Senate debate, June 6, 1872 (Congressional Globe, p. 4283). Stanton was not in a pleasant mood towards Grant after the latter took his place as Secretary of War under Johnson. (Radeau's Grant in Peace, p. 94.) Grant has in several passages of his Personal Memoirs perpetuated his unfriendly sentiments towards Stanton. and there is also no doubt that he said the contrary in the speech cited. It is not the first time,
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 18 (search)
on were to prevail, some future secretary, chief of a bureau not established by the Constitution, swaying some future Andrew Johnson, might carry our dominion into Mexico, to the Isthmus, to the Amazon, even to Cape Horn, to say nothing of countless esis, which is his own, is significant. The writer of the Episode insinuates that prejudice against Seward as well as Johnson accounts for the want of welcome which awaited the St. Thomas treaty in the Senate. It is unnecessary to resort to thisrd. Never was Mr. Sumner inhospitable to Mr. Seward's plans or wishes, even after the contest between Congress and President Johnson had begun. As soon as Mr. Seward had negotiated the treaty for Alaska, a few hours before it was signed, he sent ferating cordially with public officers with whom he might not at the time be in political sympathy. He continued during Johnson's Administration to call often at the state department when Mr. Seward was secretary, and to keep himself informed as to