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us and his Mexican possessions, in which, when the Union is restored, he may well believe we will not long allow him to remain quiet. Many believe that within the next month the rebel Confederacy will be recognized by both England and France. When it comes it will come like a clap of thunder, in the Emperor's usual brusque way of doing things, and, at all events, you had better be prepared for it. The resignation of M. Thonvenel as Minister of Foreign Affairs, and the appointment of M Drouyn de L'Huys in his place both of which were announced in the Meniteur, of yesterday, is an unfavorable symptom M Thouvenel has all along been understood to be opposed to any interference in our affairs and particularly opposed to any alliance with England for that purpose; while his successor is regarded as being decidedly "seceah" in his tendencies. Lincoln's intimate Friend. In a Northern paper we find the following: Washington, D. C. Oct. 5. Maj.-Gen. Grant:I congratulate
ut the whole world. Finally, even without immediate results, these overtures would not be entirely useless, for they might encourage public opinion to views of conciliation, and thus contribute to hasten the moment when the return of peace might become possible. I request you, sir in the name of his Majesty, to submit these considerations to Lord Russell or to Prince Gortschak ff, begging him to state the views of the Government or her Britannic Majesty or the Court of Russia. Drouyn De L'Huys. Earl Russell's reply. Foreign Office, Nov. 14, 1862. The following dispatch was addressed by Earl Russell to Earl Cowley, her Majesty's Ambassador at Paris: Foreign Office, Nov. 13, 1862. My Lord --The Count De Flahauit came to the Foreign office by appointment on Monday, the 10th instant, and read to me a dispatch from M. Drouyn de l'huys, relating to the civil war in North America. In this dispatch, the Minister for Foreign Affairs states that the Emperor
ognized as an independent Government or not. In view of the fact that English Ministers hold the opinion that the American Union is a nuisance that ought to be abated, the nature of their ballot on our destiny, if once placed in their hands, will not be doubted, while the offer of the South to both England and France of perfect free trade, on the recognition of its independence, would hardly leave the latter a wholly disinterested umpire. The reply of Earl Russell to the circular of Drouyn de L'Huys discloses more than at first strikes one. He declines to join the French Government in the proposed mediation--first, because as he avers, there are as yet no signs that it would be received by the United States Government with favor; but, secondly, (and it seems to us mainly,) because that, "up to the present time, the Russian Government had not agreed to co-operate, although it may support the endeavors of England and France." We do not wish to suspect the English Government of
intent would be comprised in the expression of a wish to be useful, if is could be done with the assent of both parties. I told him that the Emperor, at an early day, had expressed such a wish, and that he had been willing to act the part of a friend between the two, if they should mutually request it. He said that such was yet his disposition, and nothing more, except that the calamities of civil war had increased and strengthened the wish on his pact. I may add that I said to M Drouyn de L'Huys, unofficially, however, as I told him, that such an offer, if it should even he made, would come to nothing. The above was the gist of the conversation, although other matters were embraced in it, of which I may write you hereafter. As a whole, the conversation was very satisfactory, and I send it to you at once. I am, sir, your obd't serv't, Wm. L. Dayton, His Excellency Wm H. Seward, Secretary of State, &c., Beauties of Lincoln's message. The Albany (N. Y.) Atlas h
Napoleon's designs. A letter to the Tribune, written from Washington, declares "that the late foreign news confirms the belief that the French Emperor designs to persist in his mediation scheme, even if he has to proceed alone." So well informed does this correspondent profess to be that he gives the propositions to be presented in the letter of the French Minister with considerable particularity — The proffer of mediation by Napoleon, he says, "will be accompanied by a letter from Drouyn de L'Huys stating in substance that the Emperor believes the proposition of an armistice an act in no way injurious to the interests and honor of the United States, but, on the contrary, eminently useful; that it is not his intention to press it upon, the Federal Government, which alone can determine the time when the friendly office of France may be accepted; but that the President must be aware that any protracted refusal of her offers would necessitate the Emperor to listen to the Southern rep
The intervention question. The New York Herald of the 27th, gives the following summery of the news by the Etna, which left Liverpool on the 12th instant: We believe that the question of French intervention in our affairs has received a quietus in a dispatch recently issued by M Drouyn de L'Huys to the Minister of the French Governments at Washington, which comprises an answer to Mr. Seward's memorable note of the 6th ult. The spirit of the dispatch forwarded by M. Drouyn de L'Huys involves a withdrawal on the part of France from all further offer of mediation — a course which she has adopted with regret — and assumes henceforth the part of a simple spectator in the contest confining herself to following merely the course of events. At the same time the Cabinet of Louis Napoleon expresses its sorrow that its suggestions, as expressed in its counsels on the 9th of January, were not more fully comprehended by Mr. Seward; but it declares that its opinions remain uncharged, not
lished. Prince Gortschakoff tells Earl Russell that it is useless to prolong discussion which merely developed and conforms differences of opinion. As to his "responsibility," the Emperor says that he has always respected the principles of international law in dealing with other States, and that he is entitled to require other powers to respect these principles in their relations with him. The reply to France is the same in effect as that to England; but Prince Gortschakoff tells Drouyn de L'Huys that Russia cannot permit of provinces to which no international stipulations apply to being even incidentally alluded to. The Russian Emperor, in a speech, had promised reforms and extended privileges to Poland. The Russians sustained a defeat at Lutomierz on the 30th of August, and also at Magovien on the 12th of September. There appears to be trouble brewing between Germany and Denmark. The army of the latter is being placed on a war footing in consequence of certain
tlement. He suggests that negotiations be opened at once with the Richmond Government for such settlements, and for making a more formal recognition. One of the matters for discussion — the Confederates of course to be recognized de jure--must be the navigation of the Ohio and Mississippi; and in the event of Maryland joining the South, the Susquehanna and Chesapeake are to be free, with a common tariff for the two Confederates. The proposed Peace Congress. It is rumored that Drouyn de L'Huys is drawing up an explanatory document, comprising the different questions which the Emperor intends to submit to Congress; in the meantime the English journals upper to be generally taking a view adverse to Congress. The Globe (Ministerial) opposes it. The Daily News and Morning Herald also oppose it, and agree that if it is held unfavorable results will ensue. The Times inquires what England will have to do in the Congress, should it ever prove more than an ideal conception, and poin
high-sounding dispatches were all written after the change of policy in the English Cabinet was definitely understood. Emboldened by his bloodless victories on paper, it is understood here that he assumed a similar tone toward the French Government, touching the Florida and the escaped steamer Rappahannock, and also with regard to the rams which were known to be building in France for the rebel Government. His position was so incautiously belligerent that he has received a reply from Drouyn de L'Huys which has put the Administration in a cruel predicament. The United States must either abandon its pretensions or go to war to maintain them. This, it is stated, is the only interpretation which can be put on the reply of the French minister. Hence the panic in the gold market, the call for five hundred thousand men, and the orders which have been sent to various naval stations to fit out the iron-clads instanter. Another telegram says: It is now alleged that the trouble
d by the French occupation of Mexico, has brought out the correspondence between Seward and Drouyn de L'Huys. The N. Y. Times contains the following condensation of an interesting portion of it: etter to Secretary Seward, date Sept. 14, 1863, says in the course of a conversation with M Drouyn de L'Huys, "reference was made to the almost universal report that our Government only awaits the detude that if they are to have trouble with us, it would be safest to have their own time. M Drouyn de L'Huys referred to these matters, and said the Emperor had recently asked him if it was true, as tical Government in Mexico will be found neither easy nor desirable. You will inform M Drouyn de L'Huys that this opinion remains unchanged. On the other hand the United States cannot anticipateernment they may, in an exercise of an absolute freedom, establish it is proper also that M Drouyn de L'Huys should be informed that the United States continue to regard Mexico as the theatre of a war
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