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Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xiv. The Wilmot Proviso. (search)
sas 3; Florida 3; Maryland 1; Kentucky 1; Tennessee 1. The Whig National Convention assembled in Philadelphia, June 7th. Gen. Zachary Taylor, of Louisiana, had on the first ballot 111 votes for President to 97 for Henry Clay, 43 for General Scott, 22 for Mr. Webster, and 6 scattering. On the fourth ballot (next day), Gen. Taylor had 171 to 107 for all others, and was declared nominated. Millard Fillmore, of New York, had 115 votes for Vice-President, on the first ballot, to 109 for Abbott Lawrence, of Massachusetts, and 50 scattering. On the second ballot, Mr. Fillmore had 173, and was nominated. No resolves affirming distinctive principles were passed; repeated efforts to interpose one affirming the principle of the Wilmot Proviso being met by successful motions to lay on the table. The Buffalo or Free Soil Convention was as frank and explicit in its declaration of principles as its more powerful rivals had been ambiguous or reticent. The following are its most material av
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Analytical Index. (search)
Pensacola forts, 412. Atchison, David R., his advice to the Border Ruffians, 237; surrounds Lawrence with an army of Missourians, 243; 244; 283; defeats a small Union force in Northern Missouri, 5tion at, 191; its Platform, 192. Buford, Col., of Ala., his arrival in Kansas, 243; besieges Lawrence, 243. Bull Run, battle of, 539 to 547; our army moves on Centerville, 539; map of the field, Ruffians, etc.) Kearsarge, U. S. Gunboat, blockades the Sumter at Gibraltar, 602. Keitt, Lawrence M., of S. C., an abettor of the assault on Sumner, 299; in Secession Convention, 345. Kelley6, 247; his letter to the President, 467-8. lawless, Judge, his charge at St. Louis, 134. Lawrence, Abbott, of Mass., in the Whig Convention of 1848, 192. Lawrence. Kansas, the founding of, 2Lawrence. Kansas, the founding of, 236; illegal voting at, 238; beleaguered by Atchison. etc., 243-4; Brown's speech at, 284-5; the fight at, 285. lay, Col. C. W., goes to Charleston, 442. Leavenworth, Kansas, outrages at, 239; 3
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 278 (search)
mation of a great slaveholding power, was presented by his friends to Lord Aberdeen, and that some words attributed to that statesman, are supposed to have given rise to the hopes of British sympathy, in which Southern politicians have so frequently indulged. It is said on high authority that at different times, and especially in 1851, these projects have been broached to members of the British ministry, and that on that occasion they were disclosed by Lord Palmerston to our minister, Mr Abbott Lawrence, and that the Southern commissioners, disheartened by the coolness with which their overtures were received, and also by the fate of the Lopez expedition, returned discomfited to the United States. In 1857 Mr. Mason, of Virginia, announced as a fact on the floor of the Senate that the British Government had changed its opinion on the slavery question; but an early occasion was taken by that government to contradict the assertion of Mr. Mason, the Duke of Argyll declaring that he was
Elias Nason, The Life and Times of Charles Sumner: His Boyhood, Education and Public Career., Chapter 5: (search)
hat he should die content, if his young protege could take his empty chair in the Cambridge Law School,--and of whom Chancellor James Kent declared, He is the only person in the country competent to fill it. He is a gentleman of varied and extensive learning; and his culture is enhanced by foreign travel, and by personal intercourse with the ripest scholars and men of genius of his age. What course will he pursue? On the one hand there is the grand old Whig party, with Daniel Webster, Abbott Lawrence, and Robert C. Winthrop at the head, with fame and fortune in the distance. On the other hand, there are a few radical anti-slavery agitators, who are held by men in power as contemptible disturbers of the public peace, and who may incur the fate of Elijah Parish Lovejoy, murdered by the mob at Alton. Which line of action will this accomplished young civilian take? We shall soon see. In the summer of 1844 Mr. Sumner had a severe sickness, from which it was feared he would not reco
John Jay Chapman, William Lloyd Garrison, Chapter 5: the crisis (search)
fully associate for the purpose of undermining, more than for overthrowing, the government of our sister States. There may be no statute to make such combinations penal, because the offense is of a new complexion. Mr. Otis found an even stronger objection to the Society in its evident direction towards becoming a political association, whose object it will be, and whose tendency now is, to bear directly upon the ballot-boxes and to influence the elections, as in the recent case of Abbott Lawrence. How soon might you see a majority in Congress returned under the influence of (Anti-slavery) associations? Otis' reasoning here is the chattering of teeth. The ballot-box and election! why not? The slavery issue to come into politics — who can prevent it? Where are we? Who is talking? Have I read that sentence aright? Such questions go through one's mind no matter how often one re-reads these speeches. It must be confessed that a city is not far from chaos when so much pass
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 2, Chapter 4: Pennsylvania Hall.—the non-resistance society.—1838. (search)
ics slavery was, and must be made, the main question, all efforts of existing parties to the contrary notwithstanding. In this they differed from Orestes A. Brownson, who, vaunting his own practicality, asserted: Our enquiry should be, What is the Lib. 8.169. question for to-day? . . . The question for to-day is the currency question. And Brownson, of course, merely expressed the prevailing sentiment of the electorate at large. In the terse language of Francis Jackson, catechising Abbott Lawrence as to his views on abolition in the District, and resistance to the admission of more slave States (Oct. 18, 1839): We thank God for the cheering conviction that not many years will pass before the sentiment must become prevalent in at least one-half this Union, that Man is more than Money; that the time is coming when that Whiggism will be deemed hypocritical, and that Democracy contemptibly spurious, which profess to find dangers to liberty in a Bank or a Sub-Treasury, while their fel
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 2, Chapter 5: shall the Liberator lead—1839. (search)
er, who was a legal voter, was morally bound to go to the polls, and, if he had conscientious scruples against so doing, ought to leave the Society. So the meeting broke up, with the issue plainly drawn; the Massachusetts Society, nevertheless, pledging itself anew to redeem its obligations by May 1. None of the New York brethren was quite satisfied with the Liberators record of his part in the proceedings. Stanton recalled against the editor his language Lib. 9.54. at the time of Abbott Lawrence's catechism in 1834, and Ante, 1.455. especially when, rebuking the colored people for having voted for that candidate, he said: I know it is the Lib. 4.203. belief of many professedly good men that they ought not to meddle with politics; but they are cherishing a delusion which, if it do not prove fatal to their own souls, may prove the destruction of their country. Mr. Garrison confessed to have attained a clearer light in the meantime. Lewis Tappan explained his own and his Li
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 2, Index to volumes I. And II. (search)
, 229; part in founding New Eng. A. S. Soc'y, 278-280; trustee Noyes Academy, 454; catechizes A. Lawrence, 455; literary style, 461; accompanies Thompson, 2.3; projected trip to Texas, 105; on non-reolonizationists, 449; welcomes Thompson, 434, at Groton with him, 451, his host, 453; opposes A. Lawrence, and votes for A. Walker, 455, 2.302, reproaches Whig colored voters, 1: 456, 2.288; politica, Mass., Mar. 7, 1789; d. Boston, Nov. 14, 1861], career, 1.454; Unitarian, 2.138; catechizes A. Lawrence, 1.455, 2.246; at Free Church meeting, 1.481; offers house to Boston Fem. A. S. S., 2.15, 16,rian, 138; aid to Liberator, 1.224; part in founding New Eng. A. S. Soc., 278-280; catechises A. Lawrence, 455; opposes Am. Union for the Relief, etc., 469; commends Channing's Essay,: 55; host of H.tes 2d ann. report N. E. A. S. Soc., 417, and 3d, 456; trustee Noyes Academy, 454; catechises A. Lawrence, 455; catechised by A. Tappan, 471; witnesses Boston mob, 2.18, excuses Mayor Lyman, 31, 34,
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, Woman's rights. (search)
dertaken to say that the lawyer may not vote, though his whole time is spent in the courts, until he knows nothing of what is going on in the streets. 0 no! But as for woman, her time must be all so entirely filled in taking care of her household, her cares must be so extensive, that neither those of soldiers nor sailors nor merchants can be equal to them; she has not a moment to qualify herself for politics! Woman cannot be spared long enough from the kitchen to put in a vote, though Abbott Lawrence can be spared from the counting-house, though General Gaines or Scott can be spared from the camp, though the Lorings and the Choates can be spared from the courts. This is the argument: Stephen Girard cannot go to Congress; he is too busy; therefore, no man ever shall. Because General Scott has gone to Mexico, and cannot be President, therefore no man shall be. Because A. B. is a sailor, gone on a whaling voyage, to be absent for three years, and cannot vote, therefore no male inhabi
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 6 (search)
ke your idea of the Yankee character, which seems to be too near that of the Scotchman, of whom Dr. Johnson said, that, if he saw a dollar on the other side of hell, he would make a spring for it at the risk of falling in. [Laughter.] Under correction of these great statesmen and divines, I cannot think this the beau ideal of human perfection. I do not care whether the schooners of Harwich, under slaveholding bunting, catch fish and keep them or not; I do not care whether the mills of Abbott Lawrence make him worth two millions or one, whether the iron and coal mines of Pennsylvania are profitable or not, if, in order to have them profitable, we must go down on our marrow-bones and thank Daniel Webster for saving his Union, call Mayor Bigelow an honorable man and Mayor, and acknowledge Francis Tukey as Chief Justice of the Commonwealth. I prefer hunger and the woods to the hopeless task of maintaining the sincerity of Daniel Webster, or bending under the chain of Francis Tukey. [T
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