hide Matching Documents

Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for Abbott Lawrence or search for Abbott Lawrence in all documents.

Your search returned 33 results in 9 document sections:

Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, chapter 1 (search)
later, from the view taken at the dinner referred to; and the former was always full of faith and hope in democracy as a means of social improvement, guided, as he did his best to guide it, by the ethical spirit. At a dinner for Morpeth at Abbott Lawrence's, Judge Story talked high conservatism. Adams's Biography of Dana, vol. i. p. 30. Thackeray, whose visit was a few years later, found a vast amount of toryism and donnishness everywhere. A Collection of Letters, 1847-1855, p. 165. Sumnrowness of the sphere where it is displayed. Boston is worse than New York in this respect. The capitalists were greatly interested in a protective tariff, and its maintenance was the one end of their politics. Mr. Nathan Appleton and Mr. Abbott Lawrence were not only wise projectors of manufacturing schemes, but they were competent to defend in argument the protective system. Both had represented Boston in Congress. It was all important to their interests to keep the Whig party, north a
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 30: addresses before colleges and lyceums.—active interest in reforms.—friendships.—personal life.—1845-1850. (search)
How many look to you to carry out great principles into legislation, to speak stirring words into the dull ear of apathy, and to create a soul under the ribs of slavery! God speed you in your course! You have always my best and warmest wishes; and whatever you do I shall know is done with sincerity and high purposes. During the period of 1845-1851 Sumner was well remembered by his English and other foreign friends. Our three successive ministers to England—Everett, Bancroft, and Lawrence— assured him in letters of the kind remembrance which was expressed of him there. Their letters, though written at perhaps longer intervals than before, were warm with testimonies of friendship and of interest in his career, ending with a vivid recollection of his former visit and the earnest desire that he would come again. They lamented with him the death of Story, adding their tributes to the memory of the jurist to whom some of them—Morpeth, Macready, and Falconer— had been introduced
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 32: the annexation of Texas.—the Mexican War.—Winthrop and Sumner.—1845-1847. (search)
ntenance and good — will of Levi Lincoln, Abbott Lawrence, and Nathan Appleton; and when the annexapon manufacturing and commercial interests. Mr. Lawrence and Mr. Appleton, who stood at the head of on as fruitless, and approved the position of Lawrence and Appleton. The Whig journals of Boston, nogs. These efforts are discountenanced by Abbott Lawrence and Nathan Appleton. I doubt if the Whiggrowing out of slavery and the Mexican War. Mr. Lawrence dwelt on the material interests at stake intainment, at the United States Hotel, where Mr. Lawrence expressed his desire that the convention shstruction save in Winthrop. At this juncture Lawrence, Winthrop, Child, and other prominent Whigs whe hall. Soon he came back, and whispered to Lawrence, who went out, and shortly returned leading Dder which he had been sent for, the escort of Lawrence, who was known to be unfriendly to Phillips'sthe convention, in which, while recognizing Mr. Lawrence's amenity of character and sincerity of pur
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 33: the national election of 1848.—the Free Soil Party.— 1848-1849. (search)
resident, which resulted in the defeat of Abbott Lawrence, of Massachusetts, and the success, by a showing leanings to Taylor for President and Lawrence for Vice-President. Their real sympathics werge vote—almost a majority— which was given to Lawrence as a candidate for the Vice-Presidency, and iow. I wish you were here. It is said that Mr. Lawrence will be ousted from the Vice-Presidential cspaper statements and other evidence—that Abbott Lawrence, and other active and influential politiccount of a conversation between himself and Mr. Lawrence late one evening at the latter's house ten days before the convention, in which Mr. Lawrence predicted the nomination of General Taylor, and juwhom the Whigs could elect. He stated that Mr. Lawrence's preference for Taylor dated as far back aplace on the ticket with General Taylor. Mr. Lawrence, Feb. 17, 1848, wrote a letter to a Taylor associating with his candidacy the name of Mr. Lawrence, though not coming forward in conventions. <
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
luence a single election. Other men whom we know very well are reputed to have given much larger sums. It is in this way, in part, that the natural antislavery sentiment of Massachusetts has been kept down; it is money, money, money, that keeps Palfrey from being elected. Knowing— these things, it was natural that John Van Buren should say that we had more to fear from wealth than from mobs. He is a politician,—not a philanthropist or moralist, but a politician, like Clay, Winthrop, Abbott Lawrence; and he has this advantage, that he has dedicated his rare powers to the cause of human freedom. In this I would welcome any person from any quarter. To George Sumner, February 18:— You will read the proceedings at washington. The bluster of the South is, I think, subsiding, though as usual the North is frightened, and promises to give way. I hope to God they will stand firm. There is a small body at Washington who will not yield,—the Free Soilers. Hale sustains himself w
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 37: the national election of 1852.—the Massachusetts constitutional convention.—final defeat of the coalition.— 1852-1853. (search)
d from that time till the election spoke every evening, making seventeen speeches. Fitchburg, October 26; Northampton, 27; Westfield, 28; Springfield, 29; Waltham, 31; Lynn, November 1; Taunton, 2; Nantucket, 3; New Bedford, 4; Fall River, 5; Lawrence, 7; South Danvers, 8; Lowell, 9; Worcester, 10; Marshfield, 11; Boston, 12. At Westfield he called at the State Normal School, which he had aided a few years before. Ante, vol. II. p. 327. Hitherto his topics had appealed directly to moral ans. Some of the changes were so reasonable that a portion of the Whigs were indisposed to a contest. The party, however, in its convention in the autumn declared against it in formal resolutions, but without any expectation of defeating it. Abbott Lawrence and one or two other speakers commented unfavorably upon it in Whig meetings, but they were quite unequal to the array of public speakers who in carefully prepared arguments were setting forth its merits in almost every village of the State.
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
he most elaborate. The Courier's opposition was from first to last only perfunctory. The Free Soilers were the first to realize the exigency, and the earliest to organize formal protests. Having first sought, without success, to have Mr. Abbott Lawrence and Whig members of the Legislature take the lead, Commonwealth, February 14. they called a State convention to meet at Faneuil Hall February 16; but though open to all, only Free Soilers took part in its proceedings. The speakers were receive cheering news from Massachusetts; but party lines are so tight that I almost despair. Oh, when will the North be united? The Boston influence, however, asserted itself vigorously against it, both through the press and the advice of Abbott Lawrence and other Whig leaders. The Whig journals of the city appealed to the Whigs to keep away from the mass convention and to stand by the Whig organization; and they did their best to revive old animosities by applying the odious epithets to th
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
territory in 1854, the first reaching there at the beginning of August, and the second early in September, and founding Lawrence, a town afterwards so celebrated. During the next spring the New England Emigrant Aid Company, formed under a Massachushese proceedings were in progress, the rage of the pro-slavery party growing more violent was specially directed against Lawrence, the centre of Free State activity. Late in November, 1855, armed Missourians, twelve hundred or more in number, gatherhose recent letters he said he had in his drawer. He described Atchison as a peacemaker and mediator in the camp before Lawrence, and intimated that he might yet pass the Rubicon and avenge the taunts and insults heaped upon him in the Senate,—an evates Senate, during the afternoon of the 20th of May, 1856, the armed hosts of slavery were concentrating before devoted Lawrence; and as the hundreds of thousands were reading the next morning his graphic description, those hosts stood on Mount Orea
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, chapter 14 (search)
; to-morrow again. The torment is great; and then the succession of blisters, inflammations, and smarts. . . . I struggle for health, and do everything simply to that end. The doctor is clear that without this cruel treatment I should have been a permanent invalid, always subject to a sudden and serious relapse. Surely this life is held sometimes on hard conditions! Dr. Hayward submitted the case in London to Sir Benjamin Brodie, Sir James Clark, Sir Henry Holland, and the venerable Dr. Lawrence, whom he reported as approving, with some qualifications, the treatment. In the midst of this treatment, Sumner experienced, July 20, with some intimations a few days earlier, a severe pain and pressure in his chest,—the first attack of the angina pectoris, a malady which sixteen years later was to prove fatal to him. This new turn of the disease, which was singular and perplexing, was attributed to sympathy between the nerves in the region of the chest and those of the spine. Whether