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r be disappointed nor in any way less devoted to the cause he served. On the 3d of March he was ordered to Washington, and on the 11th assumed command of the armies of the United States. He at once assigned me to duty as military secretary, with the rank of lieutenant-colonel on his staff. I remained with him in this capacity till the end of the war; went through the Wilderness campaign and the siege of Richmond by his side, and was present at the fall of Petersburg and the surrender of Lee. During the next four years, those of the administration of Andrew Johnson, I was his confidential secretary and aide-de-camp. I opened all his letters, answered many that were seen by no other man, and necessarily knew his opinions on most subjects closely and intimately. Wherever he went at this time I accompanied him. In his tour through the South after the close of the war, in his visit to Canada, his journey over the entire North, which was one long triumphal procession; his stay at hi
in advance the terms that Grant would impose on Lee. This fact he has repeatedly stated to me. Matt he knew that he had the remains of the army of Lee within his grasp, he did not reduce to form, eve policy toward the vanquished, and he informed Lee at once when they met that he meant to accept pess before him—the disbanding and dispersion of Lee's army. He wanted to secure that neither that d, with no opportunity of returning afterward. Lee, however, had dressed himself with care for thehad been burned by Sheridan in the pursuit, and Lee and his officers, able to save only a single suf clothes, had secured the finest. In this way Lee was handsomely clad; he wore embroidered gauntlThis night we spoke of the terms he had granted Lee. There were some of his officers who disliked trtain to be on his side. The next day he met Lee again at the picket lines between the armies, ae South for hours, in sight of their soldiers. Lee assured Grant of the profound impression the st[4 more...]
the Government. The crafty scheme was never developed, but the watchful, skillful, anxious care of Grant may have had more to do with its prevention than any lack of will on the part of the President. General Grant never said in my hearing that he knew the intentions of Johnson to be seditious at this time, but much of his course throughout the entire crisis was taken because he feared they were. He was as anxious to frustrate Johnson's manoeuvres as he had ever been to thwart those of Lee. In each instance he was uncertain of the strategy of the enemy, but he fought what he believed to be the enemy's plan. He never changed his opinion afterward, but remained convinced that had opportunity offered Johnson would have attempted some disloyal artifice. Of this he repeatedly assured me. The following letter to General Sheridan shows Grant's apprehensions at this time. It was written while Sheridan was in command at New Orleans: [Confidential.] headquarters armies of
t at once advised the President to make no removal. He declared that no one could be found better fitted for the position; that the ability, energy, and patriotism of Stanton were undoubted, and as for himself he certainly desired no other superior. There can be no doubt that the urgency of Grant on this occasion strengthened Stanton's hold on the President. In March, 1865, Grant felt a little sore at a sharp message he received through Stanton, forbidding him to hold any conference with Lee except on purely military matters, and there were those about him who attributed what they thought an implied rebuke to Stanton's influence. But they were wrong; for Lincoln wrote with his own hand and without suggestion the dispatch that Stanton forwarded. But even this produced no ill-feeling between the great patriots who felt that each in his sphere was doing indispensable service to the cause in which they were alike so interested. After the war, however, Stanton assumed all the aut
fire at City Point, waiting for news often till late into the night, during that long and dreary autumn of 1864. No success had cheered us at the East for months. Lee still held off Grant in front of Richmond, and Hood had compelled Sherman to retrace his steps from Atlanta; political hostility at the rear made the situation at te the final assault on Petersburg, and opened the way for the Appomattox campaign, in which Sheridan led the terrible pursuit, fought Sailor's Creek, and outmarched Lee. In all these movements he sent back suggestions daily, almost hourly, to Grant, every one of which Grant accepted. I sometimes think that without Sheridan Grant's closing triumph might have been less complete; for it was Sheridan who by his rapid marches and incessant blows secured the enveloping, and thus the surrender, of Lee. This can be said without detracting one leaf from the laurels of Grant. The most skillful workman requires tools of finest edge; the greatest commander cannot win
ts and furnish the minutest details. We all know that he and Mrs. Grant went up from London last evening at 5 P. M., and were the guests of her most gracious Majesty, Victoria, at Windsor Castle. I esteem these marks of favor, not as mere compliments to the General and his country, but as a foreshadowing of the judgment of history on his wonderful career. Now that he is untrammeled by the personal contests of partisans, all men look upon him as the General Grant, who had the courage, with Lee at his front and Washington at his rear, to undertake to command the Army of the Potomac in 1864, to guide, direct, and push it through sunshine and storm, through praise and denunciation, steadily, surely, and finally to victory and peace; and afterwards, though unused to the ways and machinery of civil government, to risk all in undertaking to maintain that peace by the Constitution and civil forms of government. There have been plenty of people trying to sow dissensions between us personal
occurred. Finally, however, the Cabinet was constructed, and the new President began his administration of the Government. He was the same man who had been surrounded at Belmont and nearly crushed at Shiloh, who had plodded through the marshes of Vicksburg and fought the weary forty days in the Wilderness. He had made, indeed, a false start, but it was not the first time, and one rebuff never daunted or discouraged Grant. He remembered that he had overcome Johnson in politics as well as Lee in war, and he felt no unwillingness or inability to cope with his new difficulties. Alexander T. Stewart was a New York merchant who had been stanchly loyal, as well as liberal with his wealth and his influence and his labor, in the cause of the Union, and he early became one of Grant's most devoted friends. The stand he took during the Rebellion brought him into further prominence, and first made him more than a great tradesman. It showed him, indeed, in his largest aspect; for he was
to utter a few words in public, almost a speech, indicating how strongly he desired the intervention of our Government. The country, however, did not respond very ardently to these utterances, and I have no doubt now that Seward's policy was more in accord with the general sentiment. The nation did not feel so keenly as Grant on the subject, nor did it apprehend the danger that he saw in delay. There was a prevalent belief that Louis Napoleon's object in Mexico had been frustrated when Lee surrendered, and that the French were certain to withdraw if allowed to do so without unnecessary humiliation. Indeed, had the nation been polled the majority would probably have endured the establishment of a monarchy in Mexico rather than have engaged at that time in another war. Nevertheless the departure of the French and the downfall of Maximilian were doubtless accelerated by the urgency of Grant and the knowledge that Napoleon had of Grant's popularity and influence. The French Mi
s whole character, which some considered stolidity; but which tempered what without it would have been harsher qualities, and produced all the results of wisdom, patience, judgment, and even far-sighted patriotism. He saw, even plainer than his political friends, the possibilities that told in his own favor and he put them away. Shortly after the close of the war I was present when Charles Sumner proposed to him that a painting should be placed at the Capitol to represent the surrender of Lee; but Grant declared that he was unwilling that any commemoration of the defeat and disaster of one section of the country should be perpetuated at the Capitol. Again, a few days before his first inauguration, Mr. Blaine, then Speaker of the House of Representatives, formally suggested that Congress should allow Grant a leave of absence from the army for four years, so that at the expiration of his Presidential term he could resume his place as General-in-Chief, with the rank and position cr
l Grant in many of his journeys on both continents. I traveled with him first of all when he visited his armies. I was of the party when he passed from the Tennessee to the Potomac to lead in person the great forces that were destined to conquer Lee. I marched by his side from Washington to Richmond in 1864-1865; and that journey took us a year. I recollect in the Appomattox campaign, after Richmond had fallen, he once asked a rebel woman something about the Yankees, and she replied, Oh, we made up of men like Orr and Aiken and others who had been his enemies. I went with him also on his first visit to Richmond, a year after it fell, for he had not time to stop and enter in the hour of triumph like other victors, but pushed on after Lee. So too I accompanied him in his journeyings over the North amid the ovations which this generation hardly remembers, but which equaled any ever paid to an American. I went with him when he left his country for the first time—it was to pass
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