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William H. Herndon, Jesse William Weik, Herndon's Lincoln: The True Story of a Great Life, Etiam in minimis major, The History and Personal Recollections of Abraham Lincoln by William H. Herndon, for twenty years his friend and Jesse William Weik 1,765 1 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 1,301 9 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 947 3 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 914 0 Browse Search
Francis B. Carpenter, Six Months at the White House 776 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 495 1 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 485 1 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 27. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 456 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 410 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 405 1 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for Abraham Lincoln or search for Abraham Lincoln in all documents.

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m the Free States, with every Democrat from those States but the four aforesaid, voted in the negative. The bill thereupon passed the House by 134 Yeas to 35 Nays — all from Slave States; but, on reaching the Senate, it was referred, reported, sent back again, and finally, on the last day of the session, laid on the table — Yeas 26; Nays 18--there to sleep the sleep of death. In the next (XXXth) Congress, Mr. Caleb B. Smith (Whig), of Indiana (since Secretary of the Interior, under President Lincoln), was chairman of the Committee on Territories; and a bill creating a Territorial Government for Oregon, and prohibiting Slavery therein, was reported by him on the 9th of February, 1848. This bill was made a special order five weeks thereafter, but was so pertinaciously resisted by the Slavery Extensionists that it could not be got out of Committee till August 1; when an amendment made in Committee, striking out that clause of the original bill whereby the provisions of the Ordinance
uccessful in those of 1855. Their first National Convention was held at Pittsburgh, Pa., on the 22d of February, 1856; but no nominations were there made. Their nominating Convention met at Philadelphia on the 17th of June, Col. Henry S. Lane, of Indiana, presiding. John C. Fremont, of California, was nominated for President on the first ballot, receiving 359 votes to 196 for John McLean, of Ohio. Willam L. Dayton, of New Jersey, received 259 votes on the informal ballot, to 110 for Abraham Lincoln and 180 scattering, for Vice-President. Mr. Dayton was thereupon unanimously nominated. The more material resolves of this Convention are as follows: Resolved, That with our republican fathers, we hold it to be a self-evident truth, that all men are endowed with the inalienable rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; and that the primary object and ulterior design of our Federal Government were, to secure these rights to all persons within its exclusive jurisdiction;
f 1860. State elections of 1857-8-9 Lincoln versus Douglas Gov. Seward's Irrepressible ced by them; but the candidates favorable to Mr. Lincoln had a plurality of the popular vote. For Lincoln, 124,698; for Douglas, 121,130; Lincoln's plurality, 3,568. But over 4,000 Democratic votpart of the vote of that State from Seward to Lincoln; and Mr. B. Gratz Brown, of Missouri, changedpectively, on the following positions: 1. Lincoln.--Slavery can only exist by virtue of municip it morally certain that, but for Secession, mr Lincoln would have had to face an Opposition Congres, early in October, declared unmistakably for Lincoln — the former choosing Andrew G. Curtin her Got only a miracle could prevent the success of Lincoln and Hamlin the next month. Yet the mercantful apprehensions of Southern revolt, in case Lincoln should be elected, rendered the merchant prinican people, rejoicing in the election of Abraham Lincoln to the Presidency, those men who to-day s[14 more...]
49 279,211 130,151 Slave states. States. Lincoln. Douglas. Breckinridge. Bell. Delaware 3,815. over Douglas, 407,346; do. over Douglas and Lincoln, 380,916. Breckinridge lacks of a majorityarolina pointed to the probable election of Mr. Lincoln as the necessary prelude to movements wherery much to the satisfaction of the friends of Lincoln and Hamlin. The Fusion arrangements, whereby it was hoped, at all events, to defeat Lincoln, were not generally favored by the Fire-Eaters who should secede from the Union in the event of Lincoln's then almost certain election. Similar meetearnestly recommend that, in the event of Abraham Lincoln's election to the Presidency, a Conventioive authentic intelligence of the election of Lincoln. It is for South Carolina, in the quickest manvass of 1860. frankly declared that, should Lincoln be chosen President, he would not consider tho do this sooner. I do not anticipate that Mr. Lincoln will do anything to jeopardize our safety o[32 more...]
firmed it in a speech in Congress; so had Abraham Lincoln, in one of his debates with Senator Dougl Union. Accordingly — the second day after Mr. Lincoln's election had been assured at the polls — ed by the Constitution, their desire that Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, shill be their next Presideridge, as President of the Senate, to declare Lincoln and Hamlin duly elected President and Vice-Prrrespective of its merits. The election of Mr. Lincoln is the pretext for, and not the cause of, Dm to be disabused. Those leaders know that Mr. Lincoln will administer the Government in strict anf Philadelphia had given a small majority for Lincoln over all his competitors. Her Mayor, Alexand. spoke next, commencing by an assault on Mr. Lincoln's premonition that the Union must become alrm? Mr. Charles E. Lex (who had voted for Lincoln) made an apologetic and deprecatory speech, was A. Andrews. J. W. White, Esq. So the Lincoln city of Philadelphia, like a good many other [1 more...]<
ame of mind wherein to contemplate it is one of silent wonder. Mr. Buchanan proceeded to argue that the election of Mr. Lincoln does not of itself afford just cause for dissolving the Union ; that from the very nature of his office, and its high t moved That we have seen nothing in the past, nor do we see anything in the present, either in the election of Abraham Lincoln to the Presidency, or otherwise, to justify a dissolution of the Union, etc., etc. On this, the Yeas were 115 ; r. We have been, and shall remain, faithful to all the laws — studiously so. It is not, by your own confessions, that Mr. Lincoln is expected to commit any overt act by which you may be injured. You will not even wait for any, you say; but, by anted with none. Every suggestion that they should wait for some overt act, at least for some official declaration, from Mr. Lincoln, had been spurned by them. They made haste to secede, from fear that concessions would be offered — that their pretex
or example, of November 10, 1860-four days after the election of Mr. Lincoln-thus clearly and temperately expressed the view generally taken s a matter of practical administration, neither Mr. Buchanan nor Mr. Lincoln will employ force against the seceding States. If South Caroling editorial, had said: For far less than this [the election of Lincoln], our fathers seceded from Great Britain; and they left revolutionr. Clover replied, stating that he had shown Gov. L.'s letter to Mr. Lincoln (who asked Mr. C., whether it was just to hold him responsible f. and convened February 4th. in Washington one month prior to Mr. Lincoln's inauguration. Thirteen Free States were represented, viz.: Maents were morally certain to have a large majority of votes. President Lincoln at an early day, Gov. Morgan, the Republicans in the Peace Coarmony and peace; and that is a total abandonment of the dogmas of Lincoln, and the adoption of another and opposite object- the recognition
and appropriated by the Confederates before Mr. Lincoln's inauguration, with the exception of Fortrses of the future as I catch them. Mr. Abraham Lincoln, on the 11th of February, left his homeArrived at Harrisburg, however, on the 22d, Mr. Lincoln, looking across the slave line, experienceduarters, and through various channels, that Mr. Lincoln should never live to be inaugurated; and Thcite tumult and violence on the occasion of Mr. Lincoln's passage through the city. The Baltimorge of February 23d, significantly said: Mr. Lincoln, the President elect of the United States, hrough the city as was originally intended, Mr. Lincoln was persuaded to take the cars secretly, du confronting him. Silence having succeeded, Mr. Lincoln unrolled a manuscript, and, in a firm, cleahension of our recent political history. Mr. Lincoln's suggestion that the dictum of the Supreme and the death of hope.--Baltimore Sun. Mr. Lincoln stands to-day where he stood on the 6th of [9 more...]
racy Society for the promotion of National Unity. President Lincoln, on the day after his inauguration, submitted to the or to initiate hostilities. In spite of appearances, President Lincoln, The writer revisited Washington for a day or two, some two weeks or more after Mr. Lincoln's inauguration, and was surprised to see and hear on every hand what were, to him, tion of blood as well as ashes. Scarcely a week after Mr. Lincoln's inauguration, his Secretary of State was served with trably taken, does not at all preclude the question which Mr. Lincoln was bound to ask, and, in some way, to answer--What righorning's paper, I read, An authorized messenger from President Lincoln informed Gov. Pickens and Gen. Beauregard that proviss for peace had been exhausted, and it became clear that Mr. Lincoln had determined to appeal to the sword to reduce the peopson of Sumter and the fleet off Pensacola. Whether President Lincoln did or did not, for some days after his inauguration,
ll the rights which he claims. First, Southern men have the right to emigrate into all the territories, and to carry their Slave property with them, on an equality with the citizens of the other States. Secondly, they have an equitable partition of the territories assigned by law, viz.: all is Slave Territory up to the thirty-seventh degree, instead of up to the parallel of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes--a half degree more than they claim. for two weeks, persisted in doing — whether Mr. Lincoln intended peace or war, was a sore trial to human patience. A government which cannot uphold and vindicate its authority in the country which it professes to rule is to be pitied; but one which does not even attempt to enforce respect and obedience is a confessed imposture and sham, and deserves to be hooted off the face of the earth. Nay, more: it was impossible for ours to exist on the conditions prescribed by its domestic foes. No government can endure without revenue; and the Federa
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