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William H. Herndon, Jesse William Weik, Herndon's Lincoln: The True Story of a Great Life, Etiam in minimis major, The History and Personal Recollections of Abraham Lincoln by William H. Herndon, for twenty years his friend and Jesse William Weik 1,765 1 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 1,301 9 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 947 3 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 914 0 Browse Search
Francis B. Carpenter, Six Months at the White House 776 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 495 1 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 485 1 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 27. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 456 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 410 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 405 1 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights. You can also browse the collection for Abraham Lincoln or search for Abraham Lincoln in all documents.

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John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights, Chapter 1: Theodore Roosevelt and the Abolitionists (search)
ile the others were doing all they could to hold it back. Lincoln in 1860 occupied more nearly the ground held by Clay than in 1844 were the prototypes of those who worked to oppose Lincoln in 1860, and only worked less hard because they had less cts nor Anti-Slavery people. A good many of them, like Abraham Lincoln, were sentimentally adverse to slavery, but under exisce behind it when the great crisis came in the election of Lincoln and the beginning of the Civil War-Lincoln's election beinpublican party was established under that name in 1856 and Lincoln was elected in 1860. Now, the work preparatory to LincoLincoln's election was not done in four years. The most difficult part of it — the most arduous, the most disagreeable, the most ds, the regular Democratic nominee, much more than they did Lincoln, and who hoped and plotted for Lincoln's election because Lincoln's election because it furnished them a pretext for rebellion. The change of name from Free soil or Liberty to Republican in 1856 had very lit
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights, Chapter 4: pro-slavery prejudice (search)
d with a surprisingly large number of people, was that civil equality would be followed by social equality. As soon as they were free, negro men, it was said, would marry white wives. Do you want your son or your daughter to marry a nigger? was regarded as a knockout anti-Abolitionist argument. The idea, of course, was absurd. Is it to be inferred that because I don't want a negro woman for a slave, I do want her for a wife? was one of the quaint and pithy observations attributed to Mr. Lincoln. I heard Prof. Hudson, of Oberlin College, express the same idea in about the same words many years before. And yet there were plenty of Northern people to whom Amalgamation --the word used to describe the apprehended union of the races — was a veritable scarecrow. A young gentleman in a neighborhood near where I lived when a boy was in all respects eligible for matrimony. He became devoted to the daughter of an old farmer who had been a Kentuckian, and asked him for her hand. But
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights, Chapter 5: the political situation (search)
Chapter 5: the political situation In several of his addresses before his election to the Presidency, Mr. Lincoln gave utterance to the following language: A house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this Government cannot permanency, he declared, The Union will fall before slavery or slavery will fall before the Union. But before either Adams or Lincoln spoke on the subject-away back in 1838-the same idea they expressed had a more elaborate and forcible presentation in thcareer a brief sketch is elsewhere given. That the slaveholders reached the same conclusion that Birney and Adams and Lincoln announced, viz., that the country was to be all one thing or all the other thing, is as manifest as any fact in our histcame to the South a not unanticipated, and to many of her leaders a not unwelcome political Waterloo, in the election of Lincoln. This gave the argument for secession that was wanted. The South had then to yield — which she had no idea of doing-or
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights, Chapter 7: Salmon Portland Chase (search)
tion of the black man, I would say Salmon Portland Chase. In expressing the opinions above given, no reproach for Abraham Lincoln, nor for any of the distinguished members of his Cabinet, is intended or implied. Inferiority to Salmon P. Chase wa the third. In eight years more it was the first. The charge has been made against Mr. Chase that, while a member of Lincoln's Cabinet, he aspired to supersede his chief in the Presidency. But did he not have a right to seek the higher office, by nearly all the radical Anti-Slavery people of the country. It is not unlikely that Chase felt somewhat envious of Lincoln. After, as he stated in his letter of congratulation to Mr. Lincoln on his first election, he had given nineteen years Mr. Lincoln on his first election, he had given nineteen years of continuous and exhausting labor to the freedom movement, it would be but natural that he should feel aggrieved when he saw that the chief credit of that movement was likely to go to one who had, to his own exclusion, come up slowly and reluctantl
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights, Chapter 11: Anti-slavery orators (search)
places where they were delivered illustrious in our history-three, and there is no fourth. He refers to the speech of Patrick Henry in Williamsburg, Virginia, of Lincoln in Gettysburg, and the first address of Wendell Phillips in Faneuil Hall. If it was the purpose of Mr. Curtis to offer the three notable deliverances above menhad all gone on our side, and such enthusiasm I never saw. It has been repeatedly stated, and to this day is generally believed,--is so stated in several of Mr. Lincoln's biographies, I believe,--that Mr. Beecher went to England at the President's request, and for the purpose of making a speaking tour. The best answer is that Mr. Beecher himself. It has been asked, said he, whether I was sent by the government. The government took no stock in --me at that time. I had been pounding Lincoln in the earlier years of the war, and I don't believe there was a man down there. unless it was Mr. Chase, who would have trusted me with anything. At any rate,
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights, Chapter 12: Lincoln and Douglas (search)
Chapter 12: Lincoln and Douglas In speaking of the orators and oratory that were evolved by t names that cannot be omitted. These are Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas. It was the good The contrast between the men was remarkable. Lincoln was very tall and spare, standing up, when spas short and stumpy, a regular roly-poly man. Lincoln's face was calm and meek, almost immobile. H it could not fail to impress an audience. Lincoln indulged in no gesticulation. If he had beenhe succeeded in making himself understood. Lincoln's voice, on the contrary, was without a quaveutskirts of the audience, and I noticed, when Lincoln was speaking, that they were filled with comf meaning of the Declaration of Independence. Lincoln, however, as far as slavery in the States wasories, and that was more apparent than real. Lincoln contended for free soil through the direct ac controlling hand, the slaveholders preferred Lincoln, against whom they had no personal feeling, w[10 more...]
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights, Chapter 17: Colonization (search)
of both, have favored a policy of colonization in this country. Mr. Lincoln was one of them. If all earthly power were given me, I should ne would be to free the slaves and send them to Liberia. So said Mr. Lincoln in one of his debates with Douglas. I cannot make it better known than it already is, said Mr. Lincoln in a message to Congress, dated December I, 1862, that I strongly favor colonization. At LincolnLincoln's instance Congress appropriated several large sums of money-then much needed in warlike operations — for colonizing experiments. One of thnt Central America. A story that is curiously illustrative of Mr. Lincoln's attachment to the policy of removing the colored people is told by L. E. Chittenden in his Recollections of President Lincoln. Mr. Chittenden was a citizen of Vermont and Register of the Treasury under LLincoln, with whom he was in intimate and confidential relations: During one of his welcome visits to my office, says Mr. Chittenden,
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights, Chapter 18: Lincoln and Emancipation (search)
Chapter 18: Lincoln and Emancipation Messrs. Nicolay and Hay, who were Mr. Lincoln's private tucky slave family as being emancipated by Mr. Lincoln's proclamation, when, in fact, the proclama they would have been only too glad to have Mr. Lincoln do the work for them. They appealed to himefore the time referred to the writer heard Mr. Lincoln, in his debate with Stephen A. Douglas at Ae declarations above quoted were all before Mr. Lincoln had become President or had probably thoughnstitution and laws. About the same time Mr. Lincoln stated to a party of Southern Congressmen, s well as when the document appeared. If Mr. Lincoln had been told, when he entered on the Presibservation, in order to be entirely just to Mr. Lincoln, after what has been stated, would at this view of all the difficulties besetting him, Mr. Lincoln did well, although he might have done betteeen feasible and sound from the beginning. Mr. Lincoln's most ultra prescription-his Emancipation [16 more...]
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights, Chapter 19: the end of Abolitionism (search)
ive harbor to go to. One of these men was Abraham Lincoln, whom I heard declare in his debate with ere, and a good many of them did not care. Mr. Lincoln was accepted in much the same way. It isre or less academic sort, it was known that Mr. Lincoln was antagonistic to slavery; but as to whet slave State of Missouri, I twice voted for Mr. Lincoln, which was some evidence of my personal feelave-masters hated him far more than they did Lincoln. I heard them freely discuss the matter. Th the opposition of good-hearted, conservative Lincoln. In my opinion there was good reason for thar treatment from his hands than it did from Mr. Lincoln's. There was another reason why the slaveholders preferred the election of Lincoln to that of Douglas. Lincoln's election would furnish the bLincoln's election would furnish the better pretext for the rebellion on which they were bent, and which they had already largely plannede to the second election, I again voted for Mr. Lincoln with reluctance. The principal reason for[1 more...]
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights, Chapter 20: Missouri (search)
tes, of Missouri, who was Attorney-General in Lincoln's Cabinet, had long been Gamble's law partnerng seemed to arrest him. Turning sharply to Mr. Lincoln, he said: Mr. President, we are about to reates quietly and quickly filed out, leaving Mr. Lincoln with his face still concealed. The Presiican Convention to nominate a successor to Mr. Lincoln was approaching, and they decided to appealted a delegation, which they instructed for Mr. Lincoln, and thus the issue was made. The convention, although nominating Mr. Lincoln by a vote that, outside of Missouri's, was unanimous, admitted lthough the Missouri Radicals did not favor Mr. Lincoln's candidature, with the exception of a few lly than he ever acted toward them. That Mr. Lincoln, in antagonizing the Missouri Free Soilers, hours interview can be found in several of Mr. Lincoln's biographies. One passage from the reportn. In addition to carrying the State for Mr. Lincoln, the Missouri Radicals carried it for thems[7 more...]
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