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William H. Herndon, Jesse William Weik, Herndon's Lincoln: The True Story of a Great Life, Etiam in minimis major, The History and Personal Recollections of Abraham Lincoln by William H. Herndon, for twenty years his friend and Jesse William Weik 1,765 1 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 1,301 9 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 947 3 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 914 0 Browse Search
Francis B. Carpenter, Six Months at the White House 776 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 495 1 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 485 1 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 27. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 456 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 410 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 405 1 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in The Daily Dispatch: April 12, 1861., [Electronic resource]. You can also browse the collection for Abraham Lincoln or search for Abraham Lincoln in all documents.

Your search returned 10 results in 4 document sections:

ying what ought to be done with slaveholders, "why don't he come and do it? " If we were asked to define in a few words the temper of the entire masses of the Northern people towards the South, we should say, that they have the hatred of Brown with the cowardice of Beecher. If a poll were now taken in that section between those who approve and those who disapprove the action of Brown and the sentiments of Beecher, the majority of the former would double that which was given in favor of Abraham Lincoln, in November. That they have not, long ago, demonstrated, in active form, and in the truculent manner of their one brave man who assailed Harper's Ferry, the same spirit of hatred and the same thirst for blood, is due alone to the prudent considerations which have withheld the reverend Beecher. They have sundered the holy bonds that bind together in church membership, Christians of a common faith and a common Communion. The hatred which actuates them is not merely the hatred of o
The Fright at Washington. It seems to us that, in condemning the tenacity with which the Southern advocates of submission to Lincoln hold on to the present Government, some allowances ought to be made for the fascinations which his personal character and administrative career cannot fall to exercise upon minds which admire cha nation is generally considered its representative man, and especially is this the case in the United States, where the people elect their own rulers. This man, Lincoln, is President of our Northern Confederacy; he is our elect, our chosen one, made so by the will of our people, constitutionally expressed. Every Frenchman standsistics of the Father of his Country and those of Father Abraham, that no one can wonder that she is determined to wait, before going out, at least till the end of Lincoln's Administration. He came to Washington as never President came before — he came in disguise — by night — in a baggage-car — leaving his wife and children t
n Confederacy to be protected by those Gulf forts is out of all comparison greater than that of Lincoln's Confederacy. If the rights of States and Confederacies are to be settled by this cunningly den — the distinguished leaders of the Convention — who single out these forts as forts that Abraham Lincoln ought to hold, suppose, for a moment, that their sophistical argument will have any weight n Confederacy in advance in the wrong, in order that the army of Virginia may be mustered under Lincoln to make war upon our Southern brethren? The act would suggest the inference, and although we bistency. There is no greater reason why any one Southern fort should be surrendered or held by Lincoln than another. They have outraged justice to the Southern Confederacy and the public sentiment State will never justify the holding or reinforcing any Southern fort, and she will never join Lincoln's myrmidons and "Wide Awakes" in a war that may grow out of an attempt to reinforce any Souther
y, Morris' Island. Our veteran friend is setting, characteristically, a noble example to the young sons of the South. Long may he be spared to exemplify the character of the gentleman and patriot, and to behold the fruits of his labor. In commenting on the prospect of war, the same paper says: We are prepared to apply the last argument. We are growing impatient under the delay. It is time the matter were decided.--We are sick of the subject of evacuation. It is manifest that Lincoln has shifted the responsibility he assumed with such an air of clownish solemnity to the shoulders of the Commandant of Fort Sumter. The man who sneaked into Washington has quailed at the curses and threats of the party that raised him to the dignity he has made contemptible, and the demand must be made upon the soldier. We would not presume to dictate to those who have the management of affairs.--They have shown admirable discretion, and we cannot praise too highly their foresight, zeal a