hide Matching Documents

The documents where this entity occurs most often are shown below. Click on a document to open it.

Document Max. Freq Min. Freq
William H. Herndon, Jesse William Weik, Herndon's Lincoln: The True Story of a Great Life, Etiam in minimis major, The History and Personal Recollections of Abraham Lincoln by William H. Herndon, for twenty years his friend and Jesse William Weik 1,765 1 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 1,301 9 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 947 3 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 914 0 Browse Search
Francis B. Carpenter, Six Months at the White House 776 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 495 1 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 485 1 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 27. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 456 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 410 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 405 1 Browse Search
View all matching documents...

Browsing named entities in Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 2. You can also browse the collection for Abraham Lincoln or search for Abraham Lincoln in all documents.

Your search returned 51 results in 19 document sections:

1 2
ation came to naught, except that the fierce pulse-beat of the aggressive North was felt. Mr. Lincoln came into office, elected by a sectional party; very soon after he took the oath to administ raised to coerce a State. The Union of Bangor, Me., spoke much to the same effect, and even Mr. Lincoln did not care to advocate coercion in his inaugural. Something new and strange was making its home among us, and freemen had not yet learned its name or determined to bid it welcome. Mr. Lincoln deemed it better to forego filling the offices in the South, because it would be irritating, andand an army of office-seekers blocking the pavement in order to interview the President-elect Mr. Lincoln. Care and foreboding sat upon every brow in Congress. Mr. Buchanan was in a state of most tthe Commissioners or send any message to the Senate. Eight days after the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln the Commissioners announced their presence and object. The most concise account is found
to the work experience and zeal which achieved a triumph that will be long remembered. The powder of the Confederate mills, under all the disadvantages that surrounded him, was recognized to be the best in the world. On April 19, 1861, President Lincoln proclaimed a blockade, not as the effort to embarrass and destroy the commerce of a separate nation, but to subdue insurrection. Mr. Davis wrote of the false presentation of the case to foreign governments made by Mr. Seward: As case the States would be federally connected with the new Confederacy; in the other they would, as now, be members of the United States; but their Constitutions, laws, customs, habits, and institutions, in either case, will remain the same. Mr. Lincoln said in his inaugural address: I have no purpose directly or indirectly to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists; I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. The President
cannon and mortars bearing on the fort. On April 7th, Lieutenant Talbot, an agent of the Federal Government, conveyed a message to Governor Pickens from President Lincoln, announcing that an attempt would be made to supply Fort Sumter with provisions only, and that if the attempt be not resisted no effort to throw in men, armsrenzy of the people to arouse fresh hatred of the South, and to incite the young men to enlist in the armies of invasion. Two days after Sumter surrendered President Lincoln issued a proclamation calling for 75,000 troops. The first effect of this proclamation in the South was the secession of Virginia — an example which was promptly followed by the States of North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas. That the real object of Lincoln's renewed calls for troops was the unconditional subjugation of the South, was soon made manifest; for, by repeated levies, there were soon 200,ooo men under arms in the Northern States. Maryland was overrun with troo
n suspicions. In fact, all civil rights were for the time suspended. President Lincoln, reasoning by analogy, thought that the immense property in slaves possesiation of emancipation will deprive them, and all States including it. President Lincoln hoped the love of gain would distract the counsels and alienate the rank or them was abandoned. Of the Act of Confiscation, issued July 25, 1862, Mr. Lincoln wrote, July 17, 1862: It also provides that the slaves of persons conCongress deciding in advance that they shall be free. On September 15th, Mr. Lincoln, to a deputation who urged him to issue the emancipation proclamation withouvative men. We were just at that time in the ascendant, but after Sharpsburg Mr. Lincoln felt that he was in position to issue his first proclamation, in which he dest the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, and the other usurpations of Mr. Lincoln's Administration. The Confederates were willing to have peace, but not t
, upon their receipts, such of said property as may be required for the use of the United States Army; to collect together all the other personal property and bring the same to New Orleans, and cause it to be sold at public auction to the highest bidders'-an order which, if executed, condemns to punishment by starvation at least a quarter of a million of human beings of all ages, sexes, and conditions; and of which the execution, although forbidden to military officers by the orders of President Lincoln, is in accordance with the confiscation law of our enemies, which he has directed to be enforced through the agency of civil officials. And, finally, the African slaves have not only been excited to insurrection by every license and encouragement, but numbers of them have actually been armed for a servile war — a war in its nature far exceeding in horrors the most merciless atrocities of the savages. And whereas the officers under the command of the said Butler have been in many i
Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 2, Chapter 32: Confederate Congress.—The President's Message.—Horace Greeley. (search)
d, August 18, 1862. Several resolutions were offered in the House looking to the doctrine of lex talionis and the enlargement of the conscription. It was clear that these two matters would occupy the attention of Congress before other business could be entertained. As to the conscription, the immediate extension of it to all persons capable of bearing arms between the ages of thirty-five and forty-five, is rendered absolutely necessary by the call for six hundred thousand troops by Lincoln. There can be little doubt that these six hundred thousand new men will be raised by the Yankee Government by October 15th, at the farthest. Confederate Congress, August 18th. Mr. Foote, of Tennessee, offered a bill for retaliatory purposes. Referred to Committee on Military Affairs. (It recites that the enemy refused to treat our partisan soldiers as prisoners, and have also punished innocent private citizens for their acts. It provides that an officer who may have ordered such atr
gathering up and burning all the personal effects except such as the United States might require for use, or intend to expose for sale at auction in New Orleans. Members of Congress were elected under the military government of Louisiana. Mr. Lincoln said, The war power is now our main reliance. An oath was required from all residents of the conquered State to support the Constitution and the laws passed by Congress during the existing rebellion, unless they should be modified or declaredn relentless grasp held Louisiana at its mercy. The Constitution said: The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one Supreme Court and in such inferior courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. Mr. Lincoln swore, in 1861, to sustain the Constitution and the laws under it. The contrast is sharp and significant of the progress of a Northern revolution. Silent leges inter arma. Under his rule the old landmarks seemed to be blotted out. The ho
survivors of this grand assault recrossed the blood-stained field, and reformed their depleted ranks in the wood of Seminary Hill, from which they had lately advanced so gallantly to the charge. There they found General Lee, riding calmly up and down the lines, with only words of encouragement upon his lips. Never mind, he said, as he urged them to form, we'll talk of this afterward; now, we want all good men to rally. All will be well. Mr. Davis thus writes of Gettysburg in his Rise and fall: The battle of Gettysburg has been the subject of an unusual amount of discussion, and the enemy has made it a matter of extraordinary exultation. As an affair of arms it was marked by mighty feats of valor, to which both combatants may point with military pride. It was a graceful thing in President Lincoln if, as reported, when he was shown the steeps which the Northern men persistently held, he answered: I am proud to be the countryman of the men who assailed those heights.
Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 2, Chapter 40: Vice-President Stephens's commission to Washington. (search)
its reception. Intended exclusively as one of those communications between belligerents which public law recognizes as necessary and proper between hostile forces, care has been taken to give no pretext for refusing to receive it on the ground that it would involve a tacit recognition of the independence of the Confederacy. Your mission is simply one of humanity, and has no political aspect. If objection is made to receiving your letter on the ground that it is not addressed to Abraham Lincoln as President, instead of Commander-in-Chief, etc., then you will present the duplicate letter, which is addressed to him as President, and signed by me as President. To this letter objection may be made on the ground that I am not recognized to be President of the Confederacy. In this event, you will decline any further attempt to confer on the subject of your mission, as such conference is admissible only on a footing of perfect equality. My recent interviews with you have put yo
Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 2, Chapter 46: correspondence between President Davis and Governor Z. B. Vance. (search)
or hear what they had to say. A second time I sent a military officer, with a communication addressed by myself to President Lincoln. The letter was received by General Scott, who did not permit the officer to see Mr. Lincoln, but promised that aMr. Lincoln, but promised that an answer would be sent. No answer has ever been received. The third time, a few months ago, a gentleman was sent, whose position, character, and reputation were such as to insure his reception, if the enemy were not determined to receive no propos be let alone. But suppose it were practicable to obtain a conference through commissioners with the Government of President Lincoln, is it at this moment that we are to consider it desirable, or even at all admissible? Have we not just been appriation or extermination. But if it were otherwise, how are we to treat with the House of Representatives? It is with Lincoln alone that we would confer, and his own partisans at the North avow unequivocally that his purpose, in his message and p
1 2