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Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 24 0 Browse Search
the Rev. W. Turner , Jun. , MA., Lives of the eminent Unitarians 21 13 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 3, 15th edition. 18 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition. 17 1 Browse Search
William A. Smith, DD. President of Randolph-Macon College , and Professor of Moral and Intellectual Philosophy., Lectures on the Philosophy and Practice of Slavery as exhibited in the Institution of Domestic Slavery in the United States: withe Duties of Masters to Slaves. 9 1 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 4, 15th edition. 8 0 Browse Search
The writings of John Greenleaf Whittier, Volume 6. (ed. John Greenleaf Whittier) 6 0 Browse Search
Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Chapter XXII: Operations in Kentucky, Tennessee, North Mississippi, North Alabama, and Southwest Virginia. March 4-June 10, 1862., Part II: Correspondence, Orders, and Returns. (ed. Lieut. Col. Robert N. Scott) 5 1 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 4 0 Browse Search
John Harrison Wilson, The life of Charles Henry Dana 4 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition.. You can also browse the collection for Locke or search for Locke in all documents.

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, or more inhabitants than a shepherd, sent as many representatives to the grand assembly of law-makers as the whole county of Yorkshire, so numerous in people and powerful in riches. The illustration is in substance, and almost in words, from Locke. The lord of the borough of Newport, in the Isle of Wight, in like manner chap. III.} 1763. named two members, while Bristol elected no more; the populous capital of Scotland but one; and Manchester none. Two hundred and fifty-four members hadm in religion, combined with unquestioning deference to authority in the state. English metaphysical philosophy itself bore a character of moderation analogous to English institutions. In open disregard to the traditions of the Catholic church, Locke had denied that thought implies an immaterial substance; and Hartley and the chillingly repulsive Priestley asserted that the soul was but of chap. III.} 1763. flesh and blood; but the more genial Berkeley, armed with every virtue, insisted rat
quisitions. But if requisitions were made, each colonial legislature claimed a right of freely deliberating upon them; and as the colonies were divided into nearly twenty different governments, it was held that they never would come to a common result. The need of some principle of union, of some central power was asserted. To give the military chief a dictatorial authority to require subsistence for the army, was suggested by the Board of Trade in 1696, in the days of King William and of Locke; was more deliberately planned in 1721; was apparently favored by Cumberland, and was one of the arbitrary proposals put aside by Pitt. To claim the revenue through a congress of the colonies, was at one time the plan of Halifax; but if the congress was of governors, their decision would be only consultatory, and have no more weight than royal instructions; and if the congress was a representative body, it would claim and exercise the right of free chap. VIII.} 1763. Sept. discussion. To
but that of obedience, duty, and loyalty to the king and parliament, the candid will impute it to the agony of my heart. It was his purpose not to enter into war with British institutions, or the British parliament, but to treat of the first principles of free government and human rights. Government, such was his argument, which I shall state as nearly as possible in his own words- government is founded, not on force, as was the theory of Hobbes, nor on compact, as was the theory of Locke and the revolution of 1688; nor on property, as had been asserted by Harrington. It springs from the necessities of our nature, and has an everlasting foundation in the unchangeable will of God. Man came into the world and into society at the same instant. There must exist in every earthly society a supreme sovereign, from whose final decision there can be no appeal, but directly to Heaven. This supreme power is originally and ultimately in the people; and the people never did in fact fr
nt Greece, and the words of Thucydides; we are the equals of those who remained behind. Americans hold equal rights with those in Britain, not as conceded privileges, but as inherent and indefeasible rights. We have the rights of Englishmen, was the common voice, and as such we are to be ruled by laws of our own making, and tried by men of our own condition. Hopkins, Bland, and others. Providence Gazette. If we are Englishmen, said one, on what footing is our property? The great Mr. Locke, said another, lays it down that no man has a right to that which another may take from him. And a third, proud of his respect for the law, sheltered himself under the words of the far-famed Coke: The Lord may tax his villain, high or low, but it is against the franchises of the land for freemen to be taxed but by their own consent in parliament. If the people in America are to be taxed by the representatives of the people in England, their malady, said Hopkins, of Rhode Island, is an in
tion of papers. Of these, Dartmouth added that the most important related to New-York, and had been received within four or five days. Rockingham was dumb. Shelburne alone, unsupported by a single peer, intimated plainly his inclination for a repeal of the law. Before we resolve upon rash measures, said he, we should consider first the expediency of the law, and next our power to enforce it. The wisest legislators have been mistaken. The laws of Carolina, though planned by Shaftesbury and Locke, were found impracticable, and are now grown obsolete. The Romans planted colonies to increase their power; we to extend our commerce. Let the regiments in America, at Halifax, or Pensacola, embark at once upon the same destination, and no intervening accident disappoint the expedition, what could be effected against colonies so populous, and of such magnitude and extent? The colonies may be ruined first, but the distress will end with ourselves But Halifax, Sandwich, Gower, even Temp
he arrow is shot, and the wound already given. Mansfield's Own Report of his Speech, in Holliday, 242. See, too, the Abstract of the General Argument, in the Annual Register, where Mansfield's words are adopted. All arguments fetched from Locke, Harrington, and speculative men, who have written upon the subject of government, the law of nature, or of other nations, are little to the purpose, for we are not now settling a new constitution, but finding out and declaring the old one. Lee out from the resolution the words, in all cases whatsoever. He was seconded by Pitt, and, sustained by Beckford. They contended that American taxation by parliament was against the spirit of the British constitution; against the authority of Locke, and the principles of the revolution of 1688, chap. XXII.} 1766. Feb. against the right of the colonists to enjoy English liberty; against the inherent distinction between taxation and legislation, which pervaded modern history; against the sol
p. XXIV.} 1766. Mar. fathers of the Americans did not leave their native country and subject themselves to every danger and distress, to be reduced to a state of slavery; they did not give up their rights; they looked for protection, and not for chains, from their mother country; by her, they expected to be defended in the possession of their property, and not to be deprived of it. For should the present power continue, there is nothing which they can call their own; for, to use the words of Locke, what property have they in that which another may by right take, when he pleases, to himself? Locke on Civil Government. Book II. ch. XI. ยง 138, 139, 140. Thus did the defence of the liberties of a continent lead one of the highest judicial officers of England, in the presence of the House of Lords, to utter a prayer for the reform of the House of Commons, by a more equal settlement of the representative authority. Compare Lord Charlemont to Henry Flood, 13 March, 1766. The refo