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as sanctioned by the sacred Scriptures. Mr. Lovejoy, on his return to the city, put forth an adt the premise, but deny the conclusion. Mr. Lovejoy proceeded to set forth that Robert Dale Oweeafter. On the request of its proprietors, Mr. Lovejoy gave up the establishment to them, intendind the new owner immediately presented it to Mr. Lovejoy, telling him to go on with the paper as befe reach of human law!!! On this charge, Mr. Lovejoy commented with entire unreserve; whereupon a pledge voluntarily given to make good to Mr. Lovejoy his loss. The meeting passed some resolutions condemnatory of Abolitionism, and Mr. Lovejoy assured them that he had not come to Alton to estorable to Abolitionism, and that we censure Mr. Lovejoy for permitting such publications to appear y this meeting to wait upon and confer with Mr. Lovejoy, and ascertain from him whether lie intendsnt in these resolves is the allegation that Mr. Lovejoy had pledged himself not to discuss the subj
Ernest Crosby, Garrison the non-resistant, Chapter 2: the Boston mob (search)
ture went so far as to permit it to make use of the state house. This was a strong indication that the Abolitionists had become a power to reckon with. Twelve hundred anti-slavery societies were now in operation, and the foul murder of the Rev. E. P. Lovejoy, at Alton, Illinois, by a mob which thus exhibited its disapproval of his anti-slavery journal, did much to stir up Abolition sentiment, already stimulated by many similar outrages in the South. Lovejoy's assassination brought Wendell PhLovejoy's assassination brought Wendell Phillips into the ranks of the Garrisonians, and he declared himself in an eloquent speech at Faneuil Hall at a meeting called to express the indignation of all that was best in Boston. But still the low passions of the friends of slavery continued to show themselves at the North. In 1838, during a convention of Abolitionists, Pennsylvania Hall, a building recently erected in Philadelphia for these and other philanthropic meetings, was burned to the ground by a pro-slavery mob; and it was only
Ernest Crosby, Garrison the non-resistant, Chapter 3: non-resistance, dissensions (search)
e, and. lead us to reject, and to entreat the oppressed to reject, the use of all carnal weapons for deliverance from bondage . . . Our measures shall be such only as the opposition of moral purity to moral corruption-the destruction of error by the potency of the truth — the overthrow of prejudice by the power of love-and the abolition of slavery by the spirit of repentance. In the midst of the Boston mob he exhorted his friends not to resort to violence, and he expressed his regret that Lovejoy fell fighting. The question of the moral character of war was much agitated about this time, and Garrison contended that if peace was invariably incumbent on nations, it must be no less so between individuals. As was the custom of the day, a convention was called to consider non-resistance as the true basis of peace. Some hundred and fifty delegates met in September, 1838, at Boston, and Garrison as usual dominated the deliberations, and drew up a declaration which was carried and afte
ns of the Abolitionists, 128, 129, 135, 136, 143, 156, 178; the Tribune's influence in the slavery contest, 133; early views on slavery, 134-136; on the murder of Lovejoy, 136; on Texas annexation, 137-148; listless support of Taylor, 148-151; defiance of New York business interests, 149-151, 161, 162; opposition to slavery in Congew Yorker started, 27; character of, 30-34; topics discussed, 35-38; a financial failure, 38, 39; last days, 54, 55; on slavery and the Abolitionists, 134-136; on Lovejoy's murder, 136; on Texas annexation, 143. Niagara Falls peace negotiations, 203-208. Northern Spectator, Greeley's employment on, 10-16, 19. Noyes's Acadeists defined, 124; their erratic views, 125; early antislavery societies, 130; Northern attitude, 128-136; the Tribune's influence as an opponent of slavery, 133; Lovejoy's murder, 136; Texas annexation, 137-148; Supreme Court decision, 144; Greeley's rebukes of New York business interests, 149, 161; Greeley's attitude in Congress,
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, Publisher's Advertisement. (search)
into a volume, if you think it worth while. Four or five of them ( Idols, The election, Mobs and education, Disunion, Progress, ) were delivered in such circumstances as made it proper I should set down beforehand, substantially, what I had to say. The preservation of the rest you owe to phonography; and most of them to the unequalled skill and accuracy, which almost every New England speaker living can attest, of my friend, J. M. W. Yerrinton. The first speech, relating to the murder of Lovejoy, was reported by B. F. Hallett, Esq. As these reports were made for some daily or weekly paper, I had little time for correction. Giving them such verbal revision as the interval allowed, I left the substance and shape unchanged. They will serve, therefore, at least, as a contribution to the history of our Antislavery struggle, and especially as a specimen of the method and spirit of that movement which takes its name from my illustrious friend, William Lloyd Garrison. The only liber
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, Biographical sketch of Wendell Phillips. (search)
streets of Boston; the young man follows, while respect for law, peace tenets, and personal rights, are rioting in his brain. Pregnant liberty is heaving in the qualms. The mob, incited by the cries to violence, lay hands on Garrison, put a rope around his waist, and drag him to imprisonment! What a memorable day for the Puritan city! The abolitionist Wendell Phillips is born. At the age of twenty-six, Mr. Phillips found himself a leader among the devotees of freedom. The murder of Lovejoy in Kansas, in 1837, brought Phillips into Faneuil Hall, where, in words that held his vast audience spell-bound, he laid the foundation of a reputation for oratory which has never been surpassed in England or America. Until the opening of the war between the States, in 1861, Mr. Phillips advocated disunion as the only road to abolition. To his mind, the Union was but a covenant between good and evil; and the Constitution, being at the bottom of the alliance, was specially odious in his
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, The murder of Lovejoy. (search)
rder of Lovejoy. On November 7, 1887, Rev. E. P. Lovejoy was shot by a mob at Alton, Illinois, whrd the mob at Alton, the drunken murderers of Lovejoy, compared to those patriot fathers who threw the events at Alton. It has been asked why Lovejoy and his friends did not appeal to the executi Men are continually asking each other, Had Lovejoy a right to resist? Sir, I protest against thn more than half that number; among these was Lovejoy. It was, therefore, you perceive, Sir, the pdid not settle down on that devoted city till Lovejoy breathed his last. Till then the law, repres has been stated, perhaps inadvertently, that Lovejoy or his comrades fired first. This is denied reet on the 5th of March, 1770, did more than Lovejoy is charged with. They were the first assailaence, and to arm in vain. The gentleman says Lovejoy was presumptuous and imprudent,--he died as tountry? It is this very thing which entitles Lovejoy to greater praise. The disputed right which [8 more...]
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 8 (search)
s, have all been watched and used with sagacity and effect as means to produce a change in public opinion. Dr. Channing has thanked the Abolition party, in the name of all the lovers of free thought and free speech, for having vindicated that right, when all others seemed ready to surrender it,--vindicated it at the cost of reputation, ease, property, even life itself. The only blood that has ever been shed, on this side the ocean, in defence of the freedom of the press, was the blood of Lovejoy, one of their number. In December, 1836, Dr. Channing spoke of their position in these terms:-- Whilst, in obedience to conscience, they have refrained from opposing force to force, they have still persevered, amidst menace and insult, in bearing their testimony against wrong, in giving utterance to their deep convictions. Of such men, I do not hesitate to say, that they have rendered to freedom a more essential service than any body of men among us. The defenders of freedom are not
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 11 (search)
e it always. Old Putnam stood upon it at Bunker Hill, when he said to the Yankee boys, Don't fire till you see the whites of their eyes. Ingraham had it for ballast when he put his little sloop between two Austrian frigates, and threatened to blow them out of the water, if they did not respect the broad eagle of the United States, in the case of Koszta. Jefferson had it for a writing-desk when he drafted the Declaration of Independence and the Statute of religious liberty for Virginia. Lovejoy rested his musket upon it when they would not let him print at Alton, and he said, Death or free speech! I recognized the clink of it to-day, when the apostle of the Higher law came to lay his garland of everlasting — none has better right than he-upon the monument of the Pilgrims. [Enthusiastic cheering.] He says he is not a descendant of the Pilgrims. That is a mistake. There is a pedigree of the body and a pedigree of the mind. [Applause.] He knows so much about the Mayflower, that,
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 18 (search)
tory so well as Richard Hildreth. The last thirty years have been the flowering out of this lesson. The Democratic principle, crumbling classes into men, has been working down from pulpits and judges' seats, through shop-boards and shoe-benches, to Irish hodmen, and reached the negro at last. The long toil of a century cries out, Eureka!-I have found it! -the diamond of an immortal soul and an equal manhood under a black skin as truly as under a white one. For this, Leggett labored and Lovejoy died. For this, the bravest soul of the century went up to God from a Virginia scaffold. [Hisses and applause.] For this, young men gave up their May of youth, and old men the honors and ease of age. It went through the land writing history afresh, setting up and pulling down parties, riving sects, mowing down colossal reputations, making us veil our faces in shame at the baseness of our youth's idols, sending bankrupt statesmen to dishonored graves. We stand to-day just as Hancock and
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