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George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition., Chapter 8: (search)
nce received from his family; the assurances given at that time by Bute, that his honor should be the king's honor, his disgrace the king's disgrace. The king bowing to him, stopped his complaints by observing, It is late; and as the afflicted minister was leaving him, said only Good morrow, Mr. Greenville, good morrow, Mr. Greenville, for he never called him by his right name. Whether Pitt, who had himself attained a kind of royalty, and was ever mindful to support his own majesty, Lyttelton to Royston, in Phillimore, II. 646. pleased himself with seeing the great Whig families at his heels; or, which is more probable, aware that the actual ministry could not go on, was himself deceived by his own presumptuously hopeful nature into a belief that those who made the overture must carry it through, he summoned Newcastle, Devonshire, Rockingham, and Hardwicke Hardwicke in Harris, III. 379. to come to London as his council. From his own point of view, there was no unreasonabl
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition., Chapter 12: (search)
as not propitious to his return to power, since the old ministers were turned out for no other reason than insisting that the employments and councils of state should not be separated. One last effort was made to form an administration, with Lyttelton at the head of the treasury, and Charles Townshend as chancellor of the exchequer. But Lyttelton was too conscious of his weakness, to listen to the offer; and Townshend, laughing it to scorn, reserved himself for the paymaster's place, which,Lyttelton was too conscious of his weakness, to listen to the offer; and Townshend, laughing it to scorn, reserved himself for the paymaster's place, which, two days after, he accepted. On Tuesday, the twenty-first, the king was in des- 21. pair; and, though the old ministry was sustained by parliament, and at that moment by public opinion, he would yet have put in their places any mortal who could have carried on business. Cumberland hated Grenville; but he knew no remedy, and advised his nephew to submit. The king next attempted to divide the ministers. I had a design to change my government, said he to Grenville; but it is over now. A
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition., Chapter 20: (search)
found impracticable, and are now grown obsolete. The Romans planted colonies to increase their power; we to extend our commerce. Let the regiments in America, at Halifax, or Pensacola, embark at once upon the same destination, and no intervening accident disappoint the expedition, what could be effected against colonies so populous, and of such magnitude and extent? The colonies may be ruined first, but the distress will end with ourselves But Halifax, Sandwich, Gower, even Temple, Lyttelton, and Bedford, firmly supported the amendment of Suffolk. Protection, without dependence and obedience, they joined in saying, is a solecism in politics. The connection between Great Britain and her colonies is that of parent and child. For the parent not to correct the undutiful child would argue weakness. The duty to enforce obedience cannot be given up, because the relation cannot be destroyed. The king cannot sepa- chap. XX.} 1765. Dec. rate his colonies any more than any
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition., Chapter 22: (search)
s right to tax America—Rocking-Ham's administration continued. The Third of February, 1766. it was the third day of February, when the Duke of chap. XXII.} 1766. Feb. Grafton himself offered in the House of Lords the resolution, which was in direct contradiction to his wishes. At the same time he recommended lenient measures. Shelburne proposed to repeal the Stamp Act, and avoid a decision on the question of right. If you exempt the American colonies from one statute or law, said Lyttelton, you make them independent communities. If opinions of this weight are to be taken up and argued upon through mistake or timidity, we shall have Lycurguses and Solons in every coffee house, tavern, and gin shop in London. Many thousands in England who have no vote in electing representatives will follow their brethren in America in refusing submission to any taxes. The Commons will with pleasure hear the doctrine of equality being the natural right of all; but the doctrine of equality m
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition., Chapter 24: (search)
iples of Grenville, and adopted half-way, the policy chap. XXIV.} 1766. Mar. of Pitt. On the next day, Conway, and more than one hundred and fifty members of the House of Commons, carried the bill up to the House of Lords, where Temple and Lyttelton did not suffer it to receive its first reading without debate. On Friday, the seventh of March, the declaratory bill was to have its second reading. It was moved, though no division took place, to postpone it to the bill for the repeal, forngton, than whom no one had been more vociferous that the Americans must submit, voted for the repeal, chap XXIV.} 1766. Mar. pleading his unwillingness to act on such a question against the House of Commons. Immediately, the protest which Lyttelton had prepared against committing the bill, was produced, and signed by thirty-three peers, with Bedford at their head. Against the total repeal of the Stamp Act, they maintained that such a strange and unheard of submission of King, Lords, and