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, and divided into two parts by a broad street, and into subdivisions by cross-streets and alleys. Each tent was calculated to hold ten privates and a petty officer. In the middle ages, the form of the camp did not differ very essentially from that of the Romans, the variation consisting principally in tie interior arrangements, these arrangements being made to correspond to the existing mode of forming a line of battle. The details of this system may be found in the military work of Machiavelli. The art of fixing a camp in modern times is the same as taking up a line of battle on the same position. Of course all the projectile machines must be in play and favorably placed. The position must neither be commanded, out-fronted, nor surrounded; but on the contrary ought, as far as possible, to command arid out-front the enemy's position. But even in the same position there are numerous modes of arranging an encampment, or of forming a line of battle, and to select the best of
H. Wager Halleck , A. M. , Lieut. of Engineers, U. S. Army ., Elements of Military Art and Science; or, Course of Instruction in Strategy, Fortification, Tactis of Battles &c., Embracing the Duties of Staff, Infantry, Cavalry, Artillery and Engineers. Adapted to the Use of Volunteers and Militia., Chapter 11: army organization.—Artillery.—Its history and organization, with a brief Notice of the different kinds of Ordnance, the Manufacture of Projectiles, &c. (search)
the Italian wars between France and Spain, in the beginning of the sixteenth century, the difficulty of moving the heavy cannon then in use was so great that only a very small number of pieces were brought upon the battle-field. At the battle of Cerignola, in 1503, the number of cannon in the French army was only thirteen. Indeed, during the greater part of this century, four or five pieces were considered sufficient for an ordinary army in the field, and many agreed to the doctrine of Machiavelli, that the only legitimate use of artillery was in the attack and defence of places. But in the wars of Henry IV. of France, this arm of service was again increased, and the troops which this king destined against the house of Austria had an artillery train of fifty pieces. Great improvements were also made about this period in the manufacture of powder, and all kinds of fire-arms. Sully gave greater development to this arm of service, improving its materials, and increasing its effici
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Concerning Shirts. (search)
n outfit. We can imagine a world without light, or a world without heat, but a world without cotton shirts is a cosmographical impossibility. We may make good resolutions, reform abuses, do unto others as the golden. rule directs, provided our shirts are not taken from us thereby; but when it comes to a matter of shirt or no shirt, all moral considerations can only be immorally regarded, and the height of virtue is to be vicious. We do not remember anything quite so extreme as this in Machiavelli, Hobbes, or The Fable of the Bees. The sequitur, of course, is, that while some men wear shirts, other men must be slaves; or perhaps it may be put thus: I.Without Shirts there can be no Men. II.Without Cotton there can be no Shirt. III.Without Slaves there can be no Cotton, Ergo, IV.Without Slaves there can be no Men. V.Without Men there can be no World. VI.Without a World---- But it would be painful and it is unnecessary to go further. Thus it will be seen that the Worl
Henry Morton Stanley, Dorothy Stanley, The Autobiography of Sir Henry Morton Stanley, part 2.13, chapter 2.25 (search)
how many people died in the room I occupied? I fancied their spirits sailing about from corner to corner, trying to get out into the air, and at night settling around my head, disturbing my sleep in consequence! I have been reading Vasari's Machiavelli, and, I am thankful to say, he has removed the disagreeable impression I had conceived of his principles from a book I read about him twenty-five years ago; or, perhaps my more mature age has enabled me to understand him better. Vasari givents, from various writers, on him; but the one that comes nearest the right judgement on him is Bacon, who said that gratitude was due to him, and to those like him, who study that which men do, instead of that which they ought to do. In fact, Machiavelli has written about contemporaneous Italy just as we speak privately, but dare not talk openly, of our political world. When we described Gladstone, before his retirement, we called him by the euphonious term of the old Parliamentary hand. W
Henry Morton Stanley, Dorothy Stanley, The Autobiography of Sir Henry Morton Stanley, part 2.13, Index (search)
rticle on Stanley's African explorations, 392-404; poem of, on Stanley, 539. Lowell, J. R., Letters of, 458, 459, 461. Lualaba, the, 318-330. See Congo. Lyall, Sir, Alfred, Stanley presides at lecture of, 501. Lyons, Colonel, 168. Machiavelli, 463, 464. Mackay, A. M., 406. Mackinnon, Sir, William, patronises the Emin Relief Expedition, 354; and the East African Company, 446-449; death and funeral of, 446, 449; remarks on, 459, 460. Malone, Tom, 169, 180. Mason, Penny, 165, Captain, Leigh, 17. Tiflis, 246. Tippu-Tib, 319-325, 364. Tomasson, 169, 180, 184. Tremeirchion, 42, 51. Uganda, 309-313, 405. Uganda Mission, 318. Uhha, 259, 260. Ujiji, 262. Valencia, Stanley at, 243. Vasari, his Machiavelli, 463. Venezuela, and President Cleveland's message, 482. Victoria, Queen, receives Stanley, 289-291. Victoria Nyanza, the, 305-317, 319. Vivi, 335. Waldron, Mr., 151, 153. Wales for the Welsh, on the cry of, 530, 531. Wari
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Kansas, (search)
tance, the lawyer with his subtle tongue, and even the authority of the judge on the bench; and a familiar use of men in places high and low, so that none, from the President to the lowest border postmaster, should decline to be its tool; all these things and more were needed, and they were found in the slave-power of our republic. There, sir, stands the criminal, all unmasked before you—heartless, grasping, and tyrannical—with an audacity beyond that of Verres, a subtlety beyond that of Machiavelli, a meanness beyond that of Bacon, and an ability beyond that of Hastings. Justice to Kansas can be secured only by the prostration of this influence; for this is the power hehind— greater than any President—which succors and sustains the crime. Nay, the proceedings I now arraign derive their fearful consequences only from this connection. In now opening this great matter, I am not insensible to the austere demands of the occasion; but the dependence of the crime against Kansas upon
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Morrill, Justin Smith 1810- (search)
t the hair of his head to cure grief for the disappearance of the nominal silver option. Since that time it has been and would be now cheaper nominally to pay in silver if we had it, and, therefore, we are urged to repudiate our former action and to claim the power to resume an option already once supposed to have been profitably exercised, of which the world was called upon to take notice, and to pay in silver to-day or to let it alone to-morrow. I know that the detestable doctrine of Machiavelli was that a prudent prince ought not to keep his word except when he can do it without injury to himself ; but the Bible teaches a different doctrine, and honoreth him who sweareth to his own hurt and changeth not. If we would not multiply examples of individual financial turpitude, already painfully numerous, we must not trample out conscience and sound morality from the monetary affairs of the nation. The option about which we should be most solicitous was definitely expressed by Washi
George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard), Chapter 10: (search)
rid. He has much learning, good taste, and sense for all that is great and beautiful, extraordinary talents, and an enthusiasm which absolutely preys upon his strength and health. But, though he is passionately fond of letters, his whole spirit is eaten up with political and military ambition. He thinks of nothing but Italy, and, taking his motto from his favorite Dante, Ahi serva Italia di dolore ostello, etc., is continually studying the Principe and Arte di Guerra, and dreaming over Machiavelli's grand plan to consolidate it all into one great, splendid empire, with the Alps for a barrier against the intrusions of the North. I knew him intimately, for there was seldom a day we did not meet at least once, and I shall always remember him with affection, for it is rare in Europe to meet a young man with so high talents and so pure a character. On Wednesday evening there was a convocation at the house of the Minister of Russia. He has of late played a bold part in Spanish politic
George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard), Chapter 15: (search)
ut since your departure I have had new reasons for abhorring it. . . . . You may judge, then, if I was pleased by the news you gave me of the arrival of the Countess di Teba. I do not say, have not said, and will not say, that she is a mere pretty Andalusian woman; willingly, and exactly as you yourself regarded her, the most interesting Spanish Lady. Therefore we shall not be able to dispute this time . . . . Addio, caro; I conclude, without beginning to discourse of ambition, and of Machiavelli, because if I should throw myself into that, I should do nothing else all day. Love me as much as is possible far away, writing to me as often as you can, and believe me your friend, ces. Balbo. I open this again to quote to you a scrap of the author whom you love above every other, which, having fallen upon it by chance, seems to me capable of serving me, by way of answer, applying it to myself. You see that he begins, Fling away ambition, and ends with Serve the King. This is jus
adherent. This would naturally antagonize the Republicans, while, with the President's party, the President himself of course was chief. Johnson probably feared no rival but Grant. He flattered himself he could defeat any other candidate of the Republicans, so that by making Grant impossible he would secure his own success. Thus the Administration undoubtedly hoped to enjoy the benefit of Grant's popularity at the very moment they were seeking to undermine it; a bit of craft worthy of Machiavelli, or of Seward. But Grant protested earnestly against the entire proposition. He not only did this promptly in conversation, when Johnson announced the design, but on his return to his own headquarters he wrote the famous letter marked Private, which has already been given to the world. I quote the portion referring to Stanton: [Private.] headquarters armies of the United States, Washington, D. C., August 1, 1867. His Excellency, A. Johnson, President of the United States:
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