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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 296 2 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 94 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 61 1 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 58 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 36. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 50 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 44 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 34 0 Browse Search
Raphael Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat During the War Between the States 30 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 26. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 26 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 27. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 18 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for James Madison or search for James Madison in all documents.

Your search returned 17 results in 13 document sections:

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Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 77 (search)
y as well let them know now as hereafter, that the reward we will mete out to them for their treason shall be, committing their homes to the flames, and their own carcasses to the eagles of America. (Cheers.) Speech of David Dudley field. This is not a time for words, but for deeds. Our Union is assailed: that Union which was created after so many years of patient labor, of common suffering, and common glory. Our Constitution is defied: that Constitution which Washington, Franklin, Madison, Hamilton, and their compatriots made, and which has served us so well in peace and in war. Our liberties are menaced: those liberties which we inherited from our brave and suffering fathers, and which we received as an inheritance to be transmitted intact to our children. The symbol of our country's strength and honor: that flag which our countrymen have borne over so many lands and seas, has been insulted and trampled. Our fortresses, arsenals, mints, custom-houses, hospitals, have been
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 85 (search)
gton, and says, There is a vote of my Convention, that I go out of the Union. I cannot see you, says Abraham Lincoln. (Loud cheers.) As President, I have no eyes but. constitutional eyes; I cannot see you. (Renewed cheers.) He was right. But Madison said, Hamilton said, the Fathers said, in 1789, No man but an enemy of liberty will ever stand on technicalities and forms, when the essence is in question. Abraham Lincoln could not see the Commissioners of South Carolina,: but the North couldr function is only to recognize it. I say, the North had a right to assume this position. She did not. She had a right to ignore revolution until this condition was complied with; and she did not. She waived it. In obedience to the advice of Madison, to the long history of her country's forbearance, to the magnanimity of nineteen States, she waited; she advised the Government to wait. Mr. Lincoln, in his inaugural, indicated that this would be the wise course. Mr. Seward hinted it in his
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 91 (search)
ve been so, several of the States would have been in the old Union for a year to come. Maryland would join us, and may be, ere long, the principles that Washington fought for might be again administered in the city that bore his name. Every son of the South, from the Potomac to the Rio Grande, should rally to the support of Maryland. If Lincoln quits Washington as ignominously as he entered it, God's will will have, been accomplished. The argument was now. exhausted. Be prepared; stand to your arms — defend your wives and firesides. He alluded to the momentous consequences of the issue involved. Rather than be conquered, let every second man rally to drive back the invader. The conflict maybe terrible, but the victory will be ours. Virginians, said he, you fight for the preservation of your sacred rights — the land of Patrick Henry — to keep from desecration the tomb of Washington, the graves of Madison, Jefferson, and all you hold most dear.--Richmond Dispatch, April
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 96 (search)
mportant was it to sustain these great principles, that he begged leave to quote much higher authority than his own in favor of these great doctrines. On the 2d of May, 1836, Hon. Charles J. Ingersoll, member of Congress from Philadelphia, visited the venerable James Madison, then Ex-President of the United States. On his return to the Federal city, Mr. Ingersoll published the result of this interview in the Daily Washington Globe. On reference to that publication, it will be found that Mr. Madison fully indorsed this speech of mine against nullification and secession; and further declared that it contained the only true representation, not only of his own opinions, but those of Mr. Jefferson, on these great questions. (Enthusiastic applause.) Mr. Walker said, this is a death struggle in which we are engaged. If the doctrine of secession prevails, we never can have any Government, any Union, any flag, or any country, but anarchy will be inaugurated, to be succeeded by despotism.
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 122 (search)
Virginia Legislatures of 1799, and that it adopts those principles as constituting one of the main foundations of its political creed. The principles thus emphatically announced embrace that to which I have already adverted — the right of each State to judge of and redress the wrongs of which it complains. Their principles were maintained by overwhelming majorities of the people of all the States of the Union at different elections, especially in the election of Mr. Jefferson in 1805, Mr. Madison in 1809, and Mr. Pierce in 1852. In the exercise of a right so ancient, so well established, and so necessary for self-preservation, the people of the Confederate States in their conventions determined that the wrongs which they had suffered, and the evils with which they were menaced, required that they should revoke the delegation of powers to the Federal Government which they had ratified in their several conventions. They consequently passed ordinances resuming all their rights as s
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 150 (search)
m, prostrated in the dust to gratify the disappointed ambition of a few aspiring men, (for that Mr. Vice-President Stephens bravely told his fellow-citizens last November was the cause of a great part of our troubles, ) and this under cover of a sophistical interpretation of the Constitution, at war alike with common sense, with contemporary history, and the traditions of the Government; unsupported by a single authority among the framers of the Constitution, and emphatically denounced by Mr. Madison their leader and chief. What then remains, fellow-citizens, but that we should without unchristian bitterness toward our misguided countrymen, meet calmly and resolutely the demands of the crisis; that we should perform the duty of good citizens with resolution and steadiness; that we should cordially support the Government of the country in the difficult position in which it is placed; that we should cheer and encourage the brave men who have obeyed its call by a generous care of thei
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 152 (search)
nistration, by the Confederates; and the proclamation from the American palladium itself of the Montgomery Constitution in place of the one devised by Washington, Madison, Hamilton, and Jay — a constitution in which slavery should be the universal law of the land, the corner-stone of the political edifice — were events which seemedd to it might at pleasure peaceably secede from it. It is none the less true that such a proceeding would have stamped the members of the convention — Washington, Madison, Jay, Hamilton, and their colleagues — with utter incompetence; for nothing can be historically more certain than that their object was to extricate us from the at principles of our political organization, should fly in the face of our history, should trample under foot the teachings of Jay, Hamilton, Washington, Marshall, Madison, Dane, Kent, Story, and Webster, and, accepting only the dogmas of Mr. Calhoun as infallible, surrender forever our national laws and our national existence.
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 212 (search)
verthrow a Government which they have known only in its blessings; but the triumph of the Government would nevertheless be certain in the end. She would abandon a Government strong and able to protect her, for one that is weak, and that contains, in the very elements of its life, the seeds of destruction and early dissolution. She would adopt, as the law of her existence, the right of secession — a right which has no foundation in jurisprudence, or logic, or in our political history; which Madison, the father of the Federal Constitution, denounced; which has been denounced by most of the States and prominent statesmen now insisting upon its exercise; which, in introducing a principle of indefinite disintegration, cuts up all confederate governments by the root, and gives them over a prey to the caprices, and passions, and transient interests of their members, as autumnal leaves are given to the winds which blow upon them. In 1814, the Richmond Enquirer, then, as now, the organ of pu
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 242 (search)
rn or adopted, will refuse to defend his State and his brothers against invasion and injury. Virginians! be true, and in due time your common mother will come to your relief. Already many of you have rallied to the support of the honor of your State and the maintenance of your liberties. Will you continue to be freemen, or will you submit to be slaves? Are you capable of governing yourselves? Will you allow the people of other States to govern you? Have you forgotten the precepts of Madison and Jefferson? Remember that the price of liberty is eternal vigilance Virginia has not made war! War has been made upon her and the time-honored principles. Shall she be vindicated in her efforts to maintain the liberties of her people, or shall she bow her head in submission to tyranny and oppression? It seems to me that the true friend of national liberty cannot hesitate. Strike for your State! Strike for your liberties! Rally! rally at once in defence of your mother! G. A. Porte
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 245 (search)
of the United States, and not of the several States, as separate and distinct sovereignties. In the debates had in that Convention, on the formation of the Constitution, the following language was used by that distinguished son of Virginia, James Madison: Some contend that States are sovereign, when in fact they are only political societies. There is a gradation of power in all societies from the lowest corporation to the highest sovereign. The States never possessed the essential riganguage of our fellow-citizens of the county of Berkeley, at their late mass meeting, we can truthfully declare: That we have never yet agreed to break our allegiance to that Constitution which was signed by George Washington, framed by James Madison, administered by Jefferson, judicially expounded by John Marshall, protected by Jackson, defended by Webster, and lived for by Clay. That we have never known Virginia save as a State in the United States; and all our feelings of State prid
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