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Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 14. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Ceremonies connected with the unveiling of the statue of General Robert E. Lee, at Lee circle, New Orleans, Louisiana, February 22, 1884. (search)
er its adoption. That doctrine blazes forth in every step taken in the formation and adoption of the Constitution; in Mr. Madison's resolution adopted by the Virginia Legislature appointing commissioners to meet such commissioners as may be appointFederalist. It appears in the writings and utterances of all the fathers of the Constitution, of Hamilton as well as of Madison, of Washington, Franklin, Gerry, Wilson, Morris, of those who favored as well as those who feared a strong government. resolutions, but in the famous Virginia resolutions of 1798, the first from the pen of Jefferson, the last from that of Madison, the latter of which declared that they viewed the powers of the Federal government as resulting from the compact to whiter the corner stone of the great States Rights party, which repeatedly swept the country, and which elected Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, and Jackson to the Presidency. Even the Supreme Court of the United States had declared that the Constitutio
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 14. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Died for their State. (search)
severally, how much more so is one between sovereign States; and it follows that, just as each State separately, in the exercise of its sovereign will, entered the Union, so may it separately, in the exercise of that will, withdraw there from. And further, the Constitution being a compact, to which the States are parties, having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself as well of infractions as of the mode and measure of redress, as declared by Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison, in the celebrated resolutions of ‘98, and the right of secession irresistibly follows. But aside from the doctrine either of partnership or compact, upon the ground of State sovereignty, pure and simple, does the right of State secession impregnably rest. Sovereignty, as defined by political commentators, is the right of commanding in the last resort. And just as a State of the Union, in the exercise of this right, by her ratification of the Constitution, delegated the powers therein
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 14. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Address of J. C. C. Black, at the unveiling of the Hill statue, Atlanta, Georgia, May 1, 1886. (search)
nsignificance? Washington. What State first made the call for the convention that framed the Constitution? Virginia. Who was the father of the Constitution? Madison. Who made our system of jurisprudence, unsurpassed by the civil law of Rome and the common law of England? Marshall. Who was Marshall's worthy successor? Taney. Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Marshall, Taney—these were her sons. Their illustrious examples, their eminent services, the glory they shed upon the American name and character were her contributions to the common renown. Is it asked where her history was written? It was written upon the brightest page of American annals. It n all the departments of the public service, are entering into careers of the highest usefulness and distinction. Melius est petere fontes quam sectari rivulos. Madison and Webster were his teachers. Never did student have better teachers; never teachers better student. Webster was not more intense in his love for the Union as
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 14. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Calhoun—Nullification explained. (search)
ubject. In 1831-2 the protective system had been pushed to such extremes as to produce an almost universal sentiment in the staple or slaveholding states, that the Union, established for the general welfare, had become a curse to them. That sentiment had reached a point where, the right of secession being thus generally admitted, even Calhoun could not hope to control it, except upon the middle ground of nullification—the ground of the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions—of Jefferson and Madison. Urging the people of South Carolina to stand on this middle ground, rather than rush upon the extreme of secession, he said: I see in the Union, as ordained by the Constitution, the means, if wisely used, not only of reconciling all diversities, but also the means, and the only effectual one, of securing to us justice, peace, and security, at home and abroad, and with them that national power and renown, the love of which Providence has implanted, for wise purposes, so deeply in the hum
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 14. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), chapter 21 (search)
laying whose end both at the first, and now, was and is to hold as 'twere the mirror up to nature, to show virtue her own feature, scorn her own image, and the very age and body of the time his form and pressure; Richard Grant White—a capable scholar, a conscientious student, and an intelligent interpreter of the immortal lines of the Bard of Avon; Horatio Seymour—a lover of constitutional liberty, a genuine patriot, and well qualified to fill the chair rendered illustrious by Jefferson and Madison; Winfield Scott Hancock—a noble type of the warrior and statesman who was wont to speak plain and to the purpose like an honest man and soldier, whose escutcheon was never smirched even by the breath of suspicion; who, at an epoch of misrule, uncertainty, and oppression, subordinated military despotism to civil rule and accorded fair play to the vanquished; superb in person, head and heart; Father Ryan —the Poet-Priest of the South, who sang so eloquently of the Sword of Lee, the Conquered
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 14. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Letters and times of the Tylers. (search)
ly appointed, after his resignation as governor, Judge of the United States District Court, under a commission from President Madison. This was the second appointment he had received to the Federal Bench, which he retained until his death. The slection of letters, judiciously made by the careful writer of the work under consideration, between Judge Tyler and Presidents Madison and Jefferson, forms a very interesting personal, biographic, and political feature of the work, and illustrates th as the philosophy of the times, and its history. Judge Tyler not only enjoyed the friendship of such men as Jefferson, Madison, Marshall, and Roane, but was very much admired by them, not only for his high order of talent, but for those exalted moe history of the country. This may be said of Adams, father and son, each President of the United States; of Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe, distinguished for their writings, and also of Buchanan and Tyler. The same is true of cabinet officers fro
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 14. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Address of honorable B. H. Hill before the Georgia branch of the Southern Historical Society at Atlanta, February 18th, 1874. (search)
eduction of congressional salaries. Upon principle, the legislators of a country, who have in their hands the purse of the people, ought not to have the power to help themselves. I believe Franklin was right when he desired by constitutional provision to prohibit compensation to members of Congress. I am very sure the propositions of others in the Convention to fix the amount of the compensation in the Constitution—so that the members could not increase their own pay—was full of wisdom. Madison uttered a truth when he said it was an indecent thing for members to fix their own compensation. Then, again, high congressional salaries are wrong and hurtful in policy. They excite the merely mercenary, with desires to secure the seats. This begets scrambling and trading in every election. Men of high ability will not be parties to such contests. Thus mercenary men get control of the Congress, and as they are chiefly moved by a passion that is insatiate—if the salary were a hundred<