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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 61 3 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 2 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 55 1 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 36. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 35 1 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 1 28 2 Browse Search
Lucius R. Paige, History of Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1630-1877, with a genealogical register 24 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 18 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 22. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 14 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 1, Mass. officers and men who died. 12 0 Browse Search
Fitzhugh Lee, General Lee 12 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 19. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 12 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government. You can also browse the collection for John Marshall or search for John Marshall in all documents.

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s considered as a sovereign body, independent of all others, and only to be bound by its own voluntary act. Federalist, No. Xxxix. It is a tedious task to have to expose the misstatements, both of fact and of principle, which have occupied so much attention, but it is rendered necessary by the extent to which they have been imposed upon the acceptance of the public, through reckless assertion and confident and incessant repetition. I remember, says Mr. Webster, to have heard Chief-Justice Marshall ask counsel, who was insisting upon the authority of an act of legislation, if he thought an act of legislation could create or destroy a fact, or change the truth of history? Would it alter the fact, said he, if a Legislature should solemnly enact that Mr. Hume never wrote the History of England? A Legislature may alter the law, continues Mr. Webster, but no power can reverse a fact. Hence, if the Convention of 1787 had expressly declared that the Constitution was [to be] ordaine
A recapitulation remarkable propositions of Gouverneur Morris in the convention of 1787, and their fate further testimony Hamilton, Madison, Washington, Marshall, etc. later theories Webster: his views at various periods speech at Capon Springs State rights not a sectional theory. Looking back for a moment at the gence to North Carolina, I should be astonished if that State should withdraw from the Union. I shall add but two other citations. They are from speeches of John Marshall, afterward the most distinguished Chief Justice of the United States—who has certainly never been regarded as holding high views of state rights—in the Virginiacknowledged in any part of it. Elliott's Debates, Vol. III, pp. 389-391. In the other case, the special subject was the power of the federal judiciary. Marshall said, with regard to this: I hope that no gentleman will think that a State can be called at the bar of the Federal court. Is there no such case at present? Ar
most bitter enemies, set the father against the son, and make the brother slay the brother? Is this the happy expedient that is to preserve liberty? Will it not destroy it? If an army be once introduced to force us, if once marched into Virginia, figure to yourselves what the dreadful consequence will be: the most lamentable civil war must ensue. Elliott's Debates, Vol. III, p. 117. We have seen already how vehemently the idea of even judicial coercion was repudiated by Hamilton, Marshall, and others. The suggestion of military coercion was uniformly treated, as in the above extracts, with still more abhorrence. No principle was more fully and finally settled on the highest authority than that, under our system, there could be no coercion of a state. Webster, in his elaborate speech of February 16, 1833, arguing throughout against the sovereignty of the states, and in the course of his argument sadly confounding the ideas of the federal Constitution and the federal gove
ne section is pinned to the residue by bayonets. New York Tribune of November 9, 1860, quoted in The American Conflict, Vol. I, Chapt. XXIII, p. 359. The only liberty taken with this extract has been that of presenting certain parts of it in italics. Nothing that has ever been said by the author of this work, in the foregoing chapters, on the floor of the Senate, or elsewhere, more distinctly asserted the right of secession. Nothing that has been quoted from Hamilton, or Madison, or Marshall, or John Quincy Adams, more emphatically repudiates the claim of right to restrain or coerce a state in the exercise of its free choice. Nothing that has been said since the war which followed could furnish a more striking condemnation of its origin, prosecution, purposes, and results. A comparison of the sentiments above quoted, with the subsequent career of the party, of which that journal was and long had been the recognized organ, would exhibit a striking incongruity and inconsistency
for defense and the endorsement, 319-21. Extracts from narrative of Gen. Early, 322-28. Extract from reminiscences of Col. Lay, 329. Maney, —, 352. Marshall, John, 114, 151, 219. Extracts from speeches, 139-40. Thornton F., 338. Martin, Luther, 118. Description of three parties at Philadelphia constitutional conveion by Vattel, 123. Relation to Tenth Amendment, 124-132. Remarks on sovereignty, 128-29. Extracts from essays by Hamilton, 137-38. Extracts from speeches by Marshall, 140. Right to secede, 144-46. Speed, James, 339. Springfield (Mo.), Battle of, 368. Squatter sovereignty, 25-26, 27, 32, 34-35, 38. Party, 44. f the people, 120. Tenth Amendment, 124-132, 165. Sovereignty of the states asserted, 133. Extracts from essays by Hamilton, 137-38. Extracts from speeches by Marshall, 140. Right of secession, 144-46, 154. Right of interposition, 159-61. State-Rights party (See Democratic party). States. Admission to Union, 34-35,