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Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 70 4 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 3. (ed. Frank Moore) 66 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 52 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 52 2 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 31 1 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore) 28 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 26 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 26 0 Browse Search
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: Volume 2. 24 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: December 20, 1861., [Electronic resource] 22 0 Browse Search
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Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 1. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), The treatment of prisoners during the war between the States. (search)
tween the hostile powers. They are not intended for the humane purpose of ameliorating the condition of the unhappy prisoners held in captivity. They are designed to inflame the evil passions of the North; to keep up the war spirit among their own people; to represent the South as acting under the dominion of a spirit of cruelty, inhumanity and interested malice, and thus to vilify her people in the eyes of all on whom these publications can work. They are justly characterized by the Hon. James M. Mason as belonging to that class of literature called the sensational, a style of writing prevalent for many years at the North, and which, beginning with the writers of newspaper narratives and cheap fiction, has gradually extended itself, until it is now the favored mode adopted by medical professors, judges of courts and reverend clergymen, and is even chosen as the proper style for a report by a committee of their Congress. Photographs. Nothing can better illustrate the truth of
y the worst specimens we have seen. Compared with them, the regulars are welcome guests. It is so strange that Colonel Rush, the son of a distinguished man, whose mother belonged to one of the first families in Maryland, the first-cousin of James M. Mason, and Captain Mason of our navy, of Mrs. General Cooper and Mrs. S. S. Lee, should consent to come among his nearest of kin, at the head of ruffians like the Lancers, to despoil and destroy our country! I suppose that living in Philadelphia hCaptain Mason of our navy, of Mrs. General Cooper and Mrs. S. S. Lee, should consent to come among his nearest of kin, at the head of ruffians like the Lancers, to despoil and destroy our country! I suppose that living in Philadelphia has hardened his heart against us, for the city of Brotherly Love is certainly more fierce towards us than any other. Boston cannot compare with it. This is mortifying, because many of us had friends in Philadelphia, whom we loved and admired. We hope and believe that the Quaker clement there is at the foundation of their illwill. June 25th, 1862. I got by chance a Philadelphia paper of the 20th. Very little bragging, but an earnest appeal to their men to be united, to forget that ther
y the worst specimens we have seen. Compared with them, the regulars are welcome guests. It is so strange that Colonel Rush, the son of a distinguished man, whose mother belonged to one of the first families in Maryland, the first-cousin of James M. Mason, and Captain Mason of our navy, of Mrs. General Cooper and Mrs. S. S. Lee, should consent to come among his nearest of kin, at the head of ruffians like the Lancers, to despoil and destroy our country! I suppose that living in Philadelphia hCaptain Mason of our navy, of Mrs. General Cooper and Mrs. S. S. Lee, should consent to come among his nearest of kin, at the head of ruffians like the Lancers, to despoil and destroy our country! I suppose that living in Philadelphia has hardened his heart against us, for the city of Brotherly Love is certainly more fierce towards us than any other. Boston cannot compare with it. This is mortifying, because many of us had friends in Philadelphia, whom we loved and admired. We hope and believe that the Quaker clement there is at the foundation of their illwill.
bama, one of the brightest men of his day, and intellectually and untiringly active; but he weighed, before he had attained his greatest size, five hundred pounds, and must have weighed more when I first saw him. A chair was made for him, because he could not use those of ordinary size. He always commanded the confidence of his party and State, and the attention of the Senate. Then there was John Bell, of Tennessee, and honest John Davis, of Massachusetts-kindly dignified gentlemen; James M. Mason and R. M. T. Hunter, of Virginia; splendid old Colonel Butler, of South Carolina, whose head was as white as cotton, though his eyes were bright, his eyebrows black and strongly marked, and his brave spirit was as young as the youngest of the Senators; David Atchison, a solemn, literal, tender man of a tall ungainly figure. He was the friend of Mr. Davis's boyhood; King, of Alabama, a man as elegant as he was sound and sincere; General Dodge, under whom Mr. Davis had served in the West
ter 31: thirty-first Congress, 1849-50. The first session of the Thirty-first Congress opened on Monday, December 3, 1849. In no preceding Senate had been seen more brilliant groups of statesmen from both South and North. Among the distinguished senators then, or soon subsequently to be, famous, were Davis, Calhoun, Clay, Webster, Benton, Corwin, Cass, Fillmore, Johnson, Stephen A. Douglas, Seward, Chase, Houston, Badger, of North Carolina; Butler, of South Carolina; Hamlin, Hunter, and Mason, of Virginia; Berrien, Mangum, and Pierre Soule. It was to this Congress that Mr. Clay presented his famous compromise resolutions, which may be regarded as the beginning of the last period of the long controversy between the sections before the secession of the Southern States from the Union. It was memorable by the threatening prominence given to the Anti-slavery agitation, which was now beginning to overshadow all other Federal issues. The growth of the Anti-slavery movement in
the House as the other — as if the unanimity would not be the same whether the whole North went out and let the South vote alone, or the whole South went out and let the North alone vote. These two sharply contrasted views need no commentary now. The manifesto of the South was signed by Mr. Davis and thirty-nine other members of the House and Senate. On March 4, 1850, Mr. Calhoun, being too weak to deliver his speech which he had arisen from his dying bed to present, asked Mr. James M. Mason to read it — which he did most admirably. Mr. Calhoun, Like some bold seer in a trance Seeing all his own mischance; knowing beyond a peradventure that his last hours had come, sought to make his final appeal to the magnanimity and fraternity of the two sections, in the hope of impressing them with their imminent danger now that the balance of power had been lost between the North and South, by the admission of California. He was not able to be present during the reading of the sp
t the Constitution was designed to preserve. The fugitive slave compact in the Constitution of the United States implied that the States should fulfil it voluntarily. They expected the States to legislate so as to secure the rendition of fugitives; and in 1778 it was a matter of complaint that the Spanish colony of Florida did not restore fugitive negroes from the United States who escaped into that colony, and a committee, composed of Hamilton, of New York, Sedgwick, of Massachusetts, and Mason, of Virginia, reported resolutions in the Congress, instructing the Secretary of Foreign Affairs to address the charge d'affaires at Madrid to apply to his Majesty of Spain to issue orders to his governors to compel them to secure the rendition of fugitive negroes. This was the sentiment of the committee, and they added, also, that the States would return any slaves from Florida who might escape into their limits. When the constitutional obligation was imposed, who could have doubted t
Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 2, Chapter 4: going to Montgomery.-appointment of the Cabinet. (search)
nces; the flag had one broad white and two red stripes the same width. Under it we won our victories, and the memory of its glory will never fade. It is enshrined with the extinct Confederation in our hearts forever. The town swarmed with men desiring and receiving commissions. Statesmen, lawyers, congressmen, planters, merchants pressed forward ardently to fulfil their part in the struggle. The Hon. William C. Rives, of Virginia, Pierce Butler, T. Butler King, William L. Yancey, James M. Mason, R. M. T. Hunter, John S. Preston, of Virginia, William Preston, of Kentucky, F. S. Bartow, of Georgia, J. P. Mallory and Steven Mallory, the Hon. James Chesnut, of South Carolina, and thousands of others. Dr. Russell, a very storm-bird of battles, the correspondent of the London Times, came to see and report. Very few battled for rank; they were there for service; and the majority simply gave their names; if they had previously held rank in the army or navy they mentioned the grad
irtue of that commission from assuming command of troops. I suppose he knew that when he was nominated to be Quartermaster-General. I was chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs, reported the nomination with the recommendation that he be confirmed; that it met serious opposition, and that all my power and influence were required to prevent its rejection. In that contest I had no aid from the Senators of Virginia, perhaps because of their want of confidence in Mr. Floyd. If Mason were living, he could tell more of this than I am disposed to say. An officer of the War Department at Washington, when sending Mr. Davis, in September, 1880, copies of General Johnston's letters of March, 1862, said: The official records when published will not add to, but greatly detract from, General Johnston's reputation. He adds: I can hardly conceive how you (Mr. Davis) could so long have borne with the snarly tone of his letters, which he wrote at all times and on all pretexts.
me; but like Casper Hauser, long restriction had stiffened and impaired my powers, I could not think clearly or act promptly, difficulties seemed mountain high, the trees and flowers sheltered and bloomed for others, I knew they were fair, but they were not for me or mine. Our children, except the babies William and Varina, were at school in Montreal, and we concluded to remain there for the summer. After Mr. Davis became somewhat stronger he went to Niagara and Toronto, to visit Mr. James M. Mason, and a number of other Confederates who had not yet returned home, and with cheerful intercourse among friends he slowly improved. His friends desired to know something of his life in prison, but he was always disinclined to speak of injuries inflicted upon himself, and had a nervous horror of appearing to be a victim. Once, after a man had annoyed him dreadfully with questions about his imprisonment, he said, I imagine there are no quidnuncs in heaven, else Lazarus must have env
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