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The business side of war-making William B. Shaw It is one of the purposes of this Photographic History to show more clearly than has been shown before what the Civil War meant to the common man, on either side of Mason and Dixon's Line, whether volunteer or non-combatant. It must be remembered that thousands of men and women, North and South, rendered loyal service to their respective Governments throughout the four years of strife, without so much as lifting a musket. This series of photographs shows not only how battles were fought, but how the armies were made fit to fight them, how campaigns were conducted, how soldiers were made out of raw recruits, how railroads and bridges were destroyed and rebuilt, how rivers were dammed and their channels deflected, how blockades were maintained and eluded—in short, how the business of war went on in America for four full years of three hundred and sixty-five days each, practically without interruption. Clearly, there would have
have challenged your spinners in Massachusetts and your iron-makers in Pennsylvania. We have learned that the $400,000,--000 annually received from our cotton crop will make us rich, when the supplies that make it are home-raised. We have reduced the commercial rate of interest from twenty-four to six per cent, and are floating four per cent bonds. We have learned that one northern immigrant is worth fifty foreigners, and have smoothed the path to the southward, wiped out the place where Mason and Dixon's line used to be, and hung out the latchstring to you and yours. We have reached the point that marks perfect harmony in every household, when the husband confesses that the pies which his wife cooks are as good as those his mother used to bake; and we admit that the sun shines as brightly and the moon as softly as it did before the war. We have established thrift in city and country. We have fallen in love with work. We have restored comfort to homes from which culture and el
tain, and Russian letter of French Minister reply of Great Britain reply of Russia letter to French Minister at Washington various offensive actions of the British government hollow profession of neutrality. The public questions arising out of our foreign relations were too important to be overlooked. At the end of the first year of the war the Confederate States had been recognized by the leading governments of Europe as a belligerent power. This continued unchanged to the close. Mason became our representative in London, Slidell in Paris, Rost in Spain, and Mann in Belgium. They performed the positions with energy and skill, but were unsuccessful in obtaining our recognition as an independent power. The usages of intercourse between nations require that official communication be made to friendly powers of all organic changes in the constitution of states. To those who are familiar with the principles upon which the states known as the United States were originally co
large sum in specie in its possession, I urged it earnestly, in writing, to apply a part of it to the payment of the army. This letter was intrusted to Lieutenant-Colonel Mason, who was instructed to wait for an answer. Its receipt was acknowledged by telegraph, and an answer promised. After waiting several days to no purpose, Colonel Mason returned without one. Not recollecting to have met Colonel Mason at Charlotte, I wrote to him, calling his attention to the statement, and asking what was the fact. Not receiving a reply, I renewed the inquiry, but, though considerable time has elapsed, he has not answered. It is quite possible that I might havColonel Mason at Charlotte, I wrote to him, calling his attention to the statement, and asking what was the fact. Not receiving a reply, I renewed the inquiry, but, though considerable time has elapsed, he has not answered. It is quite possible that I might have met the gentleman without recollecting it, but not at all probable that I should have received such a letter and have forgotten it. Such intrusion of advice as to what should be done with the money in the treasury, and the speculative opinion as to the amount there, I must suppose would have been very promptly rejected if it had
Manassas, Battle of, 14. Junction, Capture of, 271. Plains, Battle of, 269-75. Maney, Colonel, 48. Mann, —, 311. Mansfield, General, 286. Battle of, 456-57. Marcy, William L., extract from letter concerning private property, 139. Maritime war, Laws of, 235-36, 315. Marshall, Col. Charles, 132-33. General Humphrey, 15-16. John, words on confiscation of private property, 139. Martin, General, 466. Marvin, William, 632. Maryland, subversion to state government, 388-95. Mason, Colonel, 586. John, M., 311. Maury, Gen. D. H., 175, 327, 330, 474, 587, 590, 591. Account of retreat from Corinth, 330. Capt. W. L., 221. Meade, Gen. George G., 120, 297, 373, 374-75,477,378,379,423,425,433,558, 631-32,633, 635. Meigs, M. C., 90. Melton, Col., Samuel, 430. Memphis, Tenn., occupation by Federals, 62. Mercer, Captain, 494. General, 466, 490. Mercideta (frigate), 172. Merrimac (frigate), 67, 191. Equipment, 164-65. Merryman, John, 391-92. Messec, Pri
February 25-March 3, 1862. Action at and occupation of Columbus March 3. Moved from Paducah, Ky., to Savannah, Tenn., March 6-10. Expedition to Yellow Creek, Miss., and occupation of Pittsburg Landing, Tenn., March 14-17. Battle of Shiloh, Tenn., April 6-7. Ordered to Fort Donelson, Tenn., April 16. Garrison duty at Fort Donelson and Clarksville, Tenn., and operations in Northern and Middle Tennessee till August. Action at Clarksville August 18. Post surrendered by Col. Mason. Fort Donelson August 25 (Cos. A, B, G and H ). Cumberland Iron Works August 26 (Cos. A, B, G and H ). Expedition to Clarksville September 5-10. Pickett's Hill, Clarksville, September 7. Garrison duty at Forts Donelson and Henry, Tenn., till August, 1863. Guard duty along Louisville & Nashville Railroad (Headquarters at Gallatin, Tenn.) till July, 1864. Expedition from Gallatin to Carthage October 10-14, 1863 (Detachment). Near Hartsville October 10 (Detachment).
Frank Preston Stearns, Cambridge Sketches, Sumner. (search)
to me, and regrets the course he is taking. At the same time, he spoke sadly. Sumner resembled Lord Chatham more closely than any statesman of the nineteenth century. He carried his measures through by pure force of argument and clearness of foresight. From 1854 to 1874 it was his policy that prevailed in the councils of the nation. He succeeded where others failed. He defeated Franklin Pierce, Seward, Trumbull, Andrew Johnson, Hamilton Fish, and even Lincoln, on the extradition of Mason and Slidell. He tied Johnson down, so that he could only move his tongue. In considering Sumner's oratory, we should bear in mind what Coleridge said to Allston, the painter,--never judge a work of art by its defects. His sentences have not the classic purity of Webster's, and his delivery lacked the ease and elegance of Phillips and Everett. His style was often too florid and his Latin quotations, though excellent in themselves, were not suited to the taste of his audiences. But Sumn
James Redpath, The Public Life of Captain John Brown, Chapter 11: the political inquisitors. (search)
ate the champions or friends of the Republican party. From the South came Governor Wise and Senator Mason of Virginia; from the North, a United States Marshal named Johnson, and Mr. Vallandingham, ahat many of them, in silence, have already retracted their words. Read his admirable answers to Mason and others. Now they are dwarfed and defeated by the contrast! On the one side, half-brutish, heir subsequent views of those events, as met at Harper's Ferry, when Captain John Brown and Senator Mason -the abolitionist and the extraditionist — the slave liberator in virtue of the higher law, er of Virginia! The reader will notice, also, how the two earnest men respected each other; how Mason, the fanatic, unlike his compromising compeer, was courteous to the old man, fearless and almost reverential in his questionings. The conversation. Senator Mason. Can you tell us, at least, who furnished money for your expedition? Capt. Brown. I furnished most of it myself. I cannot i
James Redpath, The Public Life of Captain John Brown, Chapter 2: Judicial alacrity. (search)
hteen hundred and fifty-nine, in the said County of Jefferson, and Commonwealth of Virginia, and within the jurisdiction of this Court, not having the fear of God before their eyes, but moved and seduced by the false and malignant counsels of others, and the instigations of the devil, did each severally, maliciously, and feloniously conspire with each other, and with a certain John E. Cook, John Kagi, Charles Tidd, and others to the Jurors unknown, to induce certain slaves, to wit, Jim, Sam, Mason, and Catesby . ... the slaves and property of Lewis W. Washington, and Henry, Levi, Ben, Jerry, Phil, George, and Bill, the slaves and property of John H. Allstadt, and other slaves to the Jurors unknown, to rebel and make insurrection against their masters and owners, and against the Government and the Constitution and laws of the Commonwealth of Virginia: and then and there did maliciously and feloniously advise said slaves, and other slaves to the Jurors unknown, to rebel and make insurre
James Redpath, The Public Life of Captain John Brown, Chapter 3: State evidence. (search)
ther side — for he was too feeble to walk alone,--and laid down on his cot within the bar. See the engraving. The author of the Fugitive Slave Law was present. Did he know that he was witnessing the beginning of the end of the rule of the wicked Power that he represents? Did he think that the wounded old man on the pallet was undermining, with his every groan and breath, the foundations of Human Slavery in America? As John Brown embodied the Northern religious anti-slavery idea, so Senator Mason, who now gazed at him, incarnated the Southern idolatrous principle of infidelity to man. Yet, seemingly, how reversed did their positions appear! The Slave Liberator with no earthly prospect but a speedy death on the gallows; and the Slave Extraditionist buoyed up with the hope of soon filling the Presidential Chair! A plea of insanity. The plea of insanity-first advanced by political monomaniacs in the Northern States, who could not understand a heroic action when they saw one,
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